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Self-Serving Biases in Negotiation 175

importance of these arguments as perceived ‘‘by a neutral third party.’’ There was a

strong tendency to view arguments supporting one’s own position as more convincing

than those supporting the other side, suggesting that the bias operates by distorting

one’s interpretation of evidence. Consistent with this finding, when the parties were

presented with their roles (plaintiff or defendant) only after reading the case materials,

the magnitude of the bias was substantially reduced and almost all of the pairs reached

rapid agreement on damages.

Self-serving biases are just as pervasive and detrimental to negotiated settlements

in disputes involving more than two parties. Much of the findings regarding self-serving

biases and multiparty negotiations concern the decisions of individuals involved in

social dilemmas. In a vivid illustration of a social dilemma, Hardin (1968) offered a

parable of a group of herdsmen grazing their cattle in a common pasture. Each herdsman

knows that it is to his advantage to increase the size of his herd because each

additional animal represents personal profit. However, the cost of grazing, measured

by the damage done to the pasture, is shared by all of the herdsmen. If the total number

of animals becomes too large, the pasture will be overpopulated and eventually will

be destroyed. Thus, the herdsmen have a collective interest in setting individual limits

to the number of cattle grazing in the pasture to a degree that matches the rate of

pasture replenishment. At the same time, it is in each herdsman’s interest to marginally

expand his grazing cattle beyond his allotment. Hardin’s parable has a parallel in negotiation.

While each negotiator may suspect that overestimating what she deserves could

improve her chances of getting more of what she wants, it also should be clear that as

each person’s demands increase, so does the probability of not reaching any deal at all.

Many of the natural-resource scarcity and pollution issues that we face in contemporary

society resemble Hardin’s ‘‘tragedy of the commons.’’ Wade-Benzoni, Tenbrunsel,

and Bazerman (1996) created a social-dilemma simulation in which a group shares

a common, scarce resource—in this case, ocean shark—from which individual members

can harvest. This simulation is based on the real-life fishery crisis in the northeastern

United States, where species of principal groundfish have been depleted by

overfishing, resulting in considerable uncertainty as to when and how they will be

brought back to a sustainable level. The two most critical issues facing fishery management

are (1) who will pay the cost of reversing the crisis and (2) who will receive the

subsequent benefits. Thus, the northeastern fishery captures the range of issues inherent

in managing any commonly held resource. As in any social dilemma, individuals

must choose between personal and group concerns. The group’s best interest lies in

limited harvesting, but personal interests may induce individual members to harvest

excessively.

In the shark simulation, participants were assigned roles as representatives of organizations

that relied on shark fishing for income. The representatives were gathering

for a conference aimed at finding a solution to their common problem, the depletion of

large coastal shark. All participants were told that they had two goals: (1) to maximize

current profit without depleting the harvest pool to a level that would be too low to

provide future harvests and (2) to maximize the net present value of the profit that their

associations would receive. This profit would be broken up into two components: profit

received from the current harvest and profit expected from future harvests.

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