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European Journal of Scientific Research - EuroJournals

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328 Ishtiaq Ahmad Choudhry, Muhammad Nawaz Mahsud and Shajee Hasan<br />

Study Background<br />

A penetrating survey <strong>of</strong> the last fifty years <strong>of</strong> Pakistan foreign policy would reveal certain distinct<br />

constants which permeate the entire gamut <strong>of</strong> Pakistan’s relations with external world. The first trait<br />

which can be easily discerned is the pre-eminence accord to the US by Pakistan policy Planners to<br />

ensure the country’s security against the perceived threat from outside. Notwithstanding the change in<br />

the regional and global scenarios, maintenance <strong>of</strong> special ties with Washington has always remained<br />

the basic motto <strong>of</strong> the ruling elites. Despite various ups and downs in Pakistan-US relations and<br />

Islamabad’s membership <strong>of</strong> the NAM, the country’s foreign policy has remained US-tilted (Ali, 2001).<br />

After 9/11, Musharraf made a momentous decision to join the war on terrorism. But this did not mean<br />

an immediate U-turn on all support to militant groups in Pakistan. The skeptics doubted the US' staying<br />

power' lamented the costs <strong>of</strong> turning against long time Jihadi associates, and questioned the wisdom <strong>of</strong><br />

picking fights with global terrorist outfits. And he needed US assistance to bolster his political allies<br />

and win over the remaining fence sitters (Markery, 2007). In order to build trust with the Musharraf<br />

regime, the Bush administration launched a robust engagement strategy, with total assistance to<br />

Pakistan estimated at more than $ 10 billion since 9/11. Washington has also worked through<br />

international financial institutions to ease Pakistan's debt burden, opening the door for economic<br />

growth <strong>of</strong> just under six percent for the past four years. And in June 2006, the Pentagon notified<br />

Congress’ plans to sell up to 36 F-16 jets and associated high-tech weapons system to Pakistan, a major<br />

reversal <strong>of</strong> US policy dating from 1990, when such transactions fell victim to sanctions over Pakistan's<br />

nuclear weapons program. Meanwhile, top members <strong>of</strong> President Bush's national security team have<br />

turned Pakistan into a regular destination. Washington's post-9/11 engagement with Islamabad has<br />

achieved notable successes. Such achievements would not have been possible without extensive<br />

cooperation between Pakistani and US agencies; they also netted extensive information on AL Qaeda's<br />

tactics and future plans (p.).<br />

The media are highly diverse in content and in form <strong>of</strong> organizations and include a very wide<br />

range <strong>of</strong> activities which could have effects on society. Media work most directly on consciousness by<br />

providing the constructed images <strong>of</strong> the world and social life and the definition <strong>of</strong> social reality. Media<br />

take a planned and deliberate role in social development. Media can attract and direct attention to<br />

problem solutions or people in ways which can favor those with power, and correlatively divert<br />

attention from rival individuals or groups and also segregated society <strong>of</strong> what the consensus actually is<br />

and what the nature <strong>of</strong> deviations is. Media are responsible for promoting moral panies identifying<br />

scapegoats, and acting as a guide to social control (Curran, James, & Michael 1977). Of the different<br />

forms <strong>of</strong> mass media, the press has much importance. Press is one <strong>of</strong> the dominant institutions <strong>of</strong> any<br />

democratic society. It performs the important function <strong>of</strong> mediation between the various institutions <strong>of</strong><br />

society. The press facilities a constant dialogue between these institutions and create a web <strong>of</strong><br />

interacting individuals and groups. Additionally, it creates space for expression <strong>of</strong> opinions, dissent and<br />

protest. It also acts as a plate form for organizing similar yet divergent ideas and gives them the shape<br />

<strong>of</strong> movements and revolutions (Sharma, 2005).<br />

There has emerged over the last three decades a set <strong>of</strong> journalistic narratives on “Muslim<br />

Terrorism” whose construction is development on basic cultural perception about the global system <strong>of</strong><br />

nation/states violence and the relationship between Western and Muslim societies. The dominant<br />

discourses about these issues help shaped the cognitive scripts for reporting the acts <strong>of</strong> terrorism<br />

carried out by people claiming to act in the name <strong>of</strong> Islam. The extraordinary nature <strong>of</strong> the terrorist<br />

attacks in the United States on September 11, 2001 produced a significant repute in media (Hasan, &<br />

Salam 2007). The press facilitates a constant dialogue between these institutions and creates a web <strong>of</strong><br />

interacting individuals and groups. Additionally it creates space for expression <strong>of</strong> opinions dissent and<br />

protest. It also acts as a platform for organizing similar yet divergent ideas and gives them the shape <strong>of</strong><br />

movements and revolutions (Sharma, 2005). Of course, not all analysts <strong>of</strong> the period were so optimistic<br />

about the prospects <strong>of</strong> the mass media to produce dramatic change in opinions, but it was the dominant<br />

view (Wartell and Middlestadt, 1991).

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