European Journal of Scientific Research - EuroJournals
European Journal of Scientific Research - EuroJournals
European Journal of Scientific Research - EuroJournals
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336 Ishtiaq Ahmad Choudhry, Muhammad Nawaz Mahsud and Shajee Hasan<br />
matters <strong>of</strong> editorials on U.S. policies compared to their nominal space given to favorable or neutral<br />
editorials' content. This situation strongly supported the research hypothesis that ‘it is more likely that<br />
all the papers give more space to their editorials published against on U.S. policy. It was further<br />
observed that all the selected newspapers have spared highly significant (86%) space to editorial notes<br />
statements that are stand against the United States policy towards than their space given to favorable or<br />
neutral editorial notes content which strongly endorsed the research hypothesis that it is more likely<br />
that all the papers give more space to their editorial notes published against the <strong>of</strong> U.S. policy towards<br />
Pakistan. The results also extended support to another research hypothesis that ‘it is more likely that all<br />
selected papers’ editorial matters give more coverage to the US policy on terrorism, then their coverage<br />
to US policy on defense, education, politics, and economic issues.<br />
Summary and Discussion<br />
This study was planned to explore how the three elite national dailies editorial content treatment <strong>of</strong> U.S<br />
policies towards in term <strong>of</strong> some issues <strong>of</strong> national and international importance. It was observed that<br />
all the newspapers have given due importance to the US policies, but the papers in most <strong>of</strong> the cases<br />
strongly opposed the US policy on some vital issues such as, US aggression in Afghanistan, Iraq, and<br />
particularly in Waziristan. As it was evident from the observed empirical findings that all leading<br />
dailies did not extent support to the US policies not only towards Pakistan but towards Iraq, Iran,<br />
Afghanistan, and Middle East. The papers have strongly opposed the US and to some extent Pakistan<br />
view point on various issues particularly the US aggression in Waziristan and most <strong>of</strong> the affairs <strong>of</strong> our<br />
country with a set <strong>of</strong> logic based upon national interest. The papers’ significant unfavorable treatment<br />
<strong>of</strong> US policies is in the line with the view <strong>of</strong> Grare (2007) "Rethinking Western Strategies Towards<br />
Pakistan" that without Pakistan’s active and full cooperation, the United States and the broader<br />
international community cannot reconstruct Afghanistan, defeat the Taliban, and turn the tide <strong>of</strong><br />
international terrorism. Yet most observers (Poole, 2000; and Hanan, 2006) agree that Pakistan has not<br />
provided the fullest possible cooperation. Debate is growing about whether the Pakistani state is<br />
merely unable to do better or is actively undermining international efforts in Afghanistan and against<br />
terrorism. The Grare (2007) report makes the case that the Pakistani state bears responsibility for the<br />
worsening security situation in Afghanistan, the resurgence <strong>of</strong> the Taliban, terrorism in Kashmir, and<br />
the growth <strong>of</strong> Jihadi ideology and capabilities internationally. At the core <strong>of</strong> the problem is the<br />
Pakistani military, which has dominated Pakistan’s politics since 1958 and has developed over the<br />
years nationalism based more on its own delusions <strong>of</strong> grandeur rather than on any rational analysis <strong>of</strong><br />
the country’s national interest. Inheriting a highly divided polity, the Pakistan army has tried to muster<br />
solidarity by stoking religiosity, sectarianism, and the promotion <strong>of</strong> jihad outside its borders,<br />
particularly in Afghanistan and Kashmir.<br />
The review <strong>of</strong> the anti US policy editorials’ content showed that the Pakistan elite press view<br />
points are mush relevant to the view point <strong>of</strong> previous studies (Durrani, 2005; Resse, 2001; Mughees,<br />
1997; Berenger, 2004; and King & Lester, 2005). They are <strong>of</strong> the view that the United States and most<br />
Western countries have traditionally dealt with Pakistan according to short-term interests, and they<br />
have left deep, structural problems to “the next administration.” Pakistan exploited this natural<br />
tendency by <strong>of</strong>fering assistance in achieving urgent U.S objectives—establishing listening posts to spy<br />
on the Soviet Union, <strong>of</strong>fering entry to China, and assisting in expelling Soviet forces from Afghanistan<br />
and capturing Al Qaeda leaders. Throughout much <strong>of</strong> this history, Pakistan has been led by military<br />
dictators. In return for helping the United States pursue its objectives, these dictators obtained sizable<br />
economic and military aid and political support. Indeed, Pakistan is now arming and training forces<br />
that the United States and NATO are fighting, just as the Pakistani military establishment has for some<br />
time supported Al Qaeda and other Jihadi organizations operating out <strong>of</strong> Afghanistan, northern and<br />
western Pakistan, and in Kashmir.<br />
The elite press showed disagreement with Pakistan’ outstanding support to U,S and supported<br />
the view <strong>of</strong> Grare (2007) that Pakistani priorities reflect the specific institutional interests <strong>of</strong> the