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The Gortons and Slades - Washington Secretary of State

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106 sLAde goRton: A hALf centuRy in poLitics<br />

it. <strong>The</strong> third thing is that he hates bigotry. “Al Rosellini’s ethnicity <strong>and</strong><br />

religion were immaterial.”<br />

While critics snort at the notion that Gorton was oblivious to Dysart’s<br />

activities, former staffers <strong>and</strong> campaign workers say it’s entirely plausible.<br />

After he settled in as attorney general <strong>and</strong> especially as a U.S. senator,<br />

he was a delegator, they say, <strong>and</strong> largely detached from personnel issues<br />

<strong>and</strong> operational details. “He wanted to be the senator,” says former chief <strong>of</strong><br />

staff J. V<strong>and</strong>er Stoep. On the campaign trail he’d let the experts develop a<br />

battle plan. If he liked it, he was content to be the c<strong>and</strong>idate <strong>and</strong> stick to<br />

the script. Mike McGavick, the son <strong>of</strong> a good friend, grew up to be the most<br />

trusted member <strong>of</strong> Gorton’s inner circle. McGavick had enormous strategic<br />

leeway when they were in campaign mode. Slade sometimes was bemused<br />

to be “the grown-up” getting prepped <strong>and</strong> counseled by the kids. 29<br />

“i thinK he’s Lying,” Fred Dore always said <strong>of</strong> Gorton’s denials in the<br />

Dysart affair, which lingered on for another two years after Dysart resigned<br />

from the Attorney General’s Office following the election. Despite<br />

Gorton’s denials, rumors persisted that Dysart was still secretly on the<br />

AG’s payroll. He’d been seen around the Legislature during the 1973 session.<br />

Adele determined, however, that he’d been doing “private work for<br />

various clients.” Dysart soon took a job in <strong>Washington</strong>, D.C., as counsel<br />

to the National Governors’ Conference, <strong>of</strong> which Evans was chairman.<br />

“But another reason for the continued interest in Dysart,” Adele wrote, “is<br />

his longtime friendship, or so it’s said, with a couple <strong>of</strong> principals in that<br />

boil on the political process, Watergate,” namely Ehrlichman <strong>and</strong> his protégé,<br />

Egil “Bud” Krogh. “Those aforementioned whisperers think it interesting<br />

that the Dysart political espionage followed on the heels <strong>of</strong> the<br />

Watergate espionage <strong>and</strong> some <strong>of</strong> the circumstances are oddly coincidental.”<br />

For one thing, Adele noted, Dysart said neither Gorton nor Evans<br />

knew what he was up to. “Some <strong>of</strong> those close to the people involved,<br />

however, doubted that Dysart, not a stupid man, would go so far on his<br />

own. . . .What they suspicioned was that Jim Dolliver, who is to Evans<br />

what Ehrlichman was to Nixon, <strong>and</strong> ex-state GOP chairman Gummie<br />

Johnson persuaded Dysart to use his ability <strong>and</strong> power to make the investigation,<br />

all the while keeping Evans <strong>and</strong> Gorton in the dark so they could<br />

later honestly say they knew nothing about it.” 30<br />

Krogh, who got caught up in the twilight zone <strong>of</strong> Nixon’s West Wing<br />

<strong>and</strong> agreed to direct the infamous White House “Plumbers,” told Gorton’s<br />

biographer in 2010 that he <strong>and</strong> Dysart were friendly but he could<br />

recall no conversations between them about any sort <strong>of</strong> political espio-

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