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The Gortons and Slades - Washington Secretary of State

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A poweR stRuggLe 47<br />

pieced together a tenuous 51–47 majority by turning up the heat on Democrats<br />

from public utility district counties. <strong>The</strong>y moved to send the bill<br />

back to the Rules Committee. Poised to move immediately for reconsideration,<br />

Evans voted in favor, but O’Brien’s gavel once again was too fast<br />

for him. 5<br />

<strong>The</strong> regular session was followed by an equally volatile special session<br />

in both chambers. Republicans <strong>and</strong> fiscally conservative Democrats in<br />

the Senate passed a floor resolution censuring Governor Rosellini when<br />

he threatened to veto their conservative budget. It was one <strong>of</strong> the least<br />

productive sessions in state history, with Gorton’s billboard control law as<br />

its most notable enactment. <strong>The</strong> session’s real legacy was the festering<br />

resentment that led to a game-changing insurrection in 1963. Evans believes<br />

the seeds <strong>of</strong> his victory in the 1964 governor’s race were sown during<br />

the debate over HB 197. So, too, Gorton’s rise to majority leader <strong>and</strong><br />

beyond. 6 O’Brien’s days as speaker were numbered. His biographer<br />

would describe him as “a martyr” to the cause <strong>of</strong> public power. 7<br />

After years <strong>of</strong> research, legislative historian Don Brazier concludes<br />

that the 1961 power struggle is “the single most significant event” in the<br />

history <strong>of</strong> the <strong>Washington</strong> Legislature. “Dan’s right. If it hadn’t been for<br />

that hassle he might never have had a chance to become governor.”<br />

the poLiticAL fALLout was still radioactive when the Democrats held<br />

their state convention in Bellingham in June <strong>of</strong> 1962. <strong>The</strong> private power<br />

delegates from Spokane backed <strong>State</strong> Senator Al Henry <strong>of</strong> White Salmon<br />

over O’Brien for permanent convention chairman. O’Brien prevailed but<br />

paid a price. <strong>The</strong> platform that emerged featured a strong public power<br />

plank as well as another slap in the face to conservatives—an amendment<br />

calling for weakening the anti-communist McCarran Act. <strong>The</strong> federal law<br />

enacted in 1950 at the height <strong>of</strong> the Red scare required communists to<br />

register with the U.S. Attorney General <strong>and</strong> reveal their sources <strong>of</strong> income<br />

<strong>and</strong> expenditures. Congress overwhelmingly overrode President<br />

Truman’s veto to pass it. (Truman called the bill “the greatest danger to<br />

freedom <strong>of</strong> speech, press <strong>and</strong> assembly since the Alien <strong>and</strong> Sedition Laws<br />

<strong>of</strong> 1798.”) <strong>The</strong> platform also called for the elimination <strong>of</strong> state loyalty<br />

oaths, another remnant <strong>of</strong> the Canwell-McCarthy era.<br />

Spokane delegates, including <strong>State</strong> Representatives Bill McCormick,<br />

“Big Daddy” Day, Margaret Hurley <strong>and</strong> her husb<strong>and</strong>, Joe, a former legislator,<br />

bolted the convention, together with Bob Perry. “This platform is the<br />

Communist Manifesto,” Joe Hurley snorted. 8 O’Brien buttonholed Maggie<br />

Hurley <strong>and</strong> accused her <strong>of</strong> disloyalty. She suggested that his memory

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