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The Gortons and Slades - Washington Secretary of State

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84 sLAde goRton: A hALf centuRy in poLitics<br />

establishment <strong>of</strong> a state police training academy, a crime lab <strong>and</strong> full-time<br />

prosecuting attorneys in all but the smallest counties. He promised to<br />

hire lawyers who were “doers <strong>and</strong> thinkers.” 9<br />

What he didn’t emphasize in his speeches <strong>and</strong> ads was that he was also<br />

a fervent foe <strong>of</strong> “tolerance” gambling policies. In King County, tolerance<br />

had spawned a network <strong>of</strong> pay<strong>of</strong>fs that reached from the street to the assistant<br />

chief. A beat cop who played along could double his base salary<br />

with bribes. Pull-tabs, punchboards, cardrooms <strong>and</strong> prostitution proliferated.<br />

Gorton’s problem was that talk <strong>of</strong> a crackdown wouldn’t sit well with<br />

the guys rolling dice for c<strong>of</strong>fee in Renton <strong>and</strong> at church-basement bingo<br />

parties in Puyallup.<br />

the Action teAM AdvAnced intact from the primary. Gorton caught a<br />

big break when McCutcheon edged Dore for the Democratic nomination.<br />

Gorton <strong>and</strong> many other observers in both parties had figured Dore was<br />

the man to beat. But McCutcheon had the Pierce County Democratic vote<br />

locked up while the four other Democrats divvied up King County.<br />

With only 23 percent, Gorton was the top vote-getter in the primary. <strong>The</strong><br />

Democrats captured fully 63 percent <strong>of</strong> the vote. Kerr, to Gorton’s surprise,<br />

finished a respectable fourth overall. <strong>The</strong> faceless Republican did particularly<br />

well in Eastern <strong>Washington</strong>, carrying Benton, Walla Walla <strong>and</strong><br />

eight other counties. Gorton obviously needed to shed his Brooks Brothers<br />

suit <strong>and</strong> spend more time making friends in places like Waitsburg—<br />

a lesson he learned well that year. “Black Jack Slade” was the desperado <strong>of</strong><br />

Western dime novel fame, Gorton notes, “so Slade was not a good name<br />

to start out with, running for statewide <strong>of</strong>fice as an unknown.”<br />

<strong>The</strong>re were no Gorton-McCutcheon debates during the eight-week<br />

push to the general election. Despite winning the endorsement <strong>of</strong> 16 daily<br />

newspapers <strong>and</strong> the overwhelming support <strong>of</strong> the legal community, Gorton<br />

knew he was the underdog. Voter apathy for the down-ballot races was<br />

one problem. Another was the ideological schism in his own party. Kerr<br />

wrote letters to conservative King County Republicans urging them to<br />

vote for McCutcheon. <strong>The</strong> source for the tightly controlled mailing list<br />

clearly was the right-wing county chairman, Ken Rogstad. “We’re going to<br />

get Gorton,” Rogstad’s good friend, County Prosecutor Charles O. Carroll,<br />

was heard to boast. <strong>The</strong> greatest halfback in America when he played for<br />

the University <strong>of</strong> <strong>Washington</strong> in 1928, Carroll was in his 20 th year as prosecutor<br />

<strong>and</strong> King County’s “Mr. Republican.” That he could not get Gorton<br />

was just one <strong>of</strong> many signs that 1968 was his last hurrah as a power broker.<br />

Seattle, the gutsy magazine published by King Broadcasting, <strong>and</strong> the

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