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The Gortons and Slades - Washington Secretary of State

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68 sLAde goRton: A hALf centuRy in poLitics<br />

claiming that a redistricting settlement was imminent.” Gorton was as<br />

angry as McCurdy had ever seen him, “convinced not only that Copel<strong>and</strong><br />

had devastated the strategy for the governor’s bill, but that the minority<br />

leader, who had entered the negotiations with only an elementary knowledge<br />

<strong>of</strong> redistricting, had surrendered the Republican position.” 7<br />

Fearing his frustration might make things even worse, Gorton suggested<br />

that Joel Pritchard <strong>and</strong> Moos should be the ones to read Copel<strong>and</strong><br />

the riot act. <strong>The</strong>y told Copel<strong>and</strong> he faced a vote <strong>of</strong> no confidence if he<br />

didn’t knock it <strong>of</strong>f. He desisted reluctantly <strong>and</strong> never entirely. Two years<br />

later, when the Republicans finally gained a majority in the House, Copel<strong>and</strong>’s<br />

decision to consort with Greive was one <strong>of</strong> the grudges that cost<br />

him the speakership.<br />

“One feature <strong>of</strong> the Evans-Pritchard-Gorton leadership that always impressed<br />

me,” McCurdy says, “was their ability to ‘lock’ the House caucus —<br />

to convince the minority Republicans to vote as a bloc. It meant that<br />

Greive had to deal with Gorton <strong>and</strong> the Republican leadership instead <strong>of</strong><br />

building a majority by picking <strong>of</strong>f stragglers one by one. <strong>The</strong> solidarity <strong>of</strong><br />

the House caucus in both the 1963 <strong>and</strong> 1965 sessions was a tremendous<br />

source <strong>of</strong> power for the leadership in general <strong>and</strong> Gorton in particular.<br />

<strong>The</strong> Democrats were never able to achieve it —but then, they were in the<br />

majority. <strong>The</strong> House Republicans understood that any division in the<br />

caucus would doom them to minority status for years to come.”<br />

the feAR And LoAthing in Olympia lasted 47 days. One night the Senate<br />

was still squabbling at 3 a.m. In the other <strong>Washington</strong>, Defense <strong>Secretary</strong><br />

McNamara was testifying that the situation in South Vietnam was “grave<br />

but by no means hopeless” <strong>and</strong> the key testing ground <strong>of</strong> whether the<br />

United <strong>State</strong>s could prevent “Chinese communist aggression throughout<br />

Asia.” In Selma, Alabama, the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. led a march <strong>of</strong><br />

1,300 Negroes to the courthouse to register to vote.<br />

Humor was the potion that precipitated a brief outbreak <strong>of</strong> comity between<br />

Gorton <strong>and</strong> Greive. <strong>The</strong>y were invited to address the state’s Chambers<br />

<strong>of</strong> Commerce. Greive went first. He launched into a witty st<strong>and</strong>up<br />

routine on his relationship with Gorton <strong>and</strong> how much fun they were<br />

having. <strong>The</strong> audience loved it. So did Slade, who replied in kind. Tension<br />

broken, two tacticians at the top <strong>of</strong> their game proceeded to <strong>of</strong>fer a spellbinding<br />

discourse on the intricacies <strong>of</strong> legislative politics. When it was<br />

over they walked back to the Capitol together <strong>and</strong> talked in Greive’s <strong>of</strong>fice<br />

for a couple more hours. “<strong>The</strong>y had developed a tremendous respect for

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