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The Gortons and Slades - Washington Secretary of State

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314 sLAde goRton: A hALf centuRy in poLitics<br />

in the spRing <strong>of</strong> 1998, <strong>of</strong>ficials from <strong>Washington</strong> <strong>and</strong> several other<br />

states arrived on the Hill to tell the committee they were losing hundreds<br />

<strong>of</strong> millions annually because some tribes were selling cigarettes to non-<br />

Indians at reservation smoke shops without collecting sales tax. In the<br />

space <strong>of</strong> two months a new revenue swat team in <strong>Washington</strong> <strong>State</strong> had<br />

confiscated nearly 300,000 packs <strong>of</strong> contrab<strong>and</strong> cigarettes being trucked<br />

to three reservations. Some were intent on defying a U.S. Supreme Court<br />

decision Gorton had won as attorney general 18 years earlier when he asserted<br />

that the tribes had no constitutional right “to be, in effect, parasites<br />

on the state system.” 14<br />

Tribal leaders said it was Gorton once again at work with a broad<br />

broom. DeLaCruz argued that only a few tribes maintained the high<br />

court had no jurisdiction over them. Most were following the law. If Gorton<br />

had his way <strong>and</strong> states were allowed to sue them it would spell even<br />

bleaker times for impoverished reservations. Tax disputes could be solved<br />

in negotiations between state <strong>and</strong> tribal governments. “<strong>The</strong> problem is<br />

not us, but that the state has never acted in good faith toward the tribes.<br />

It dates back to him,” the Quinault leader said, pointing at Gorton. “It’s<br />

his legacy in the state that we’ve continued fighting <strong>and</strong> that has made it<br />

hard to move forward.” 15<br />

Gorton unveiled his “American Indian Equal Justice Act.” Its key provision<br />

was the end to legal immunity for tribal governments, a protection<br />

derived from a series <strong>of</strong> Supreme Court rulings dating from 1830. Individuals<br />

<strong>of</strong> any ethnicity, as well as states <strong>and</strong> other governments, would<br />

have the right to file suit against tribes in state or federal courts. “<strong>The</strong><br />

U.S. Supreme Court is an Indian court just as it is a court for all the rest<br />

<strong>of</strong> us,” Gorton said. 16<br />

“<strong>The</strong>se hearings really are about whether the aboriginal Americans<br />

are members <strong>of</strong> this nation, or members <strong>of</strong> a multitude <strong>of</strong> nations within<br />

the U.S.,” said Senator Campbell. “My own view is that they can be both.” 17<br />

“Would the <strong>State</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Washington</strong> feel comfortable waiving its legal immunity<br />

<strong>and</strong> going into a tribal court?” Henry Cagey asked. “I don’t think<br />

so. But he wants us to take our chances in a state court.” Gorton pounced,<br />

asserting that the Lummi leader was glossing over an importance difference:<br />

Indians are American citizens, assured a fair hearing in American<br />

courts. But non-Indians are not citizens <strong>of</strong> any Indian nation <strong>and</strong> therefore<br />

not assured a fair hearing in a tribal court. “It’s a gross injustice,”<br />

Gorton said, <strong>and</strong> even if his measure failed “at least I can see to it that this<br />

has been argued.” 18<br />

At a hearing in the Seattle suburb <strong>of</strong> Tukwila a month later, the crowd

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