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The Gortons and Slades - Washington Secretary of State

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218 sLAde goRton: A hALf centuRy in poLitics<br />

Meese’s deputies learned that Dwyer <strong>and</strong> his wife had attended a Mondale<br />

fundraiser, they urged Gorton to forward three names for consideration.<br />

“I will send them three names,” he replied icily: “William L. Dwyer,<br />

William L. Dwyer <strong>and</strong> William L. Dwyer.” 8<br />

Intent on punishing Gorton, Democrats on the Judiciary Committee<br />

stonewalled a vote on Dwyer. <strong>The</strong>re was no hope <strong>of</strong> confirmation before the<br />

general election—more red meat for Adams. Gorton was under fire left<br />

<strong>and</strong> right. “<strong>The</strong> question in terms <strong>of</strong> the general public is why it is that a<br />

Republican senator would be blocked by a Republican Department <strong>of</strong> Justice<br />

<strong>and</strong> a Republican White House <strong>and</strong> require him to engage in this type<br />

<strong>of</strong> behavior,” observed Arval Morris, a pr<strong>of</strong>essor at the University <strong>of</strong> <strong>Washington</strong><br />

Law School. Prodded by a Post-Intelligencer reporter, Gorton snapped,<br />

“I can’t underst<strong>and</strong> why you <strong>and</strong> your newspaper have failed to appreciate<br />

what I achieved in getting (Dwyer) nominated to the federal bench.” 9<br />

<strong>The</strong> campaign attempted to defuse the issue with a commercial that<br />

emphasized Gorton’s access <strong>and</strong> independence. <strong>The</strong> president <strong>and</strong> the<br />

senator are seen conferring intently in the Oval Office. “Slade <strong>and</strong> I don’t<br />

agree on every issue,” Reagan looks up to say, “but you can always count<br />

on Slade’s dedication <strong>and</strong> care for the people <strong>of</strong> <strong>Washington</strong> <strong>State</strong>. I urge<br />

you to re-elect my good friend Slade Gorton.”<br />

the 1986 cAMpAign, from Seattle to Sarasota, is remembered by veteran<br />

reporters <strong>and</strong> politicos as “the year <strong>of</strong> the 30-second war.” Reporters<br />

were galled to find themselves covering commercials—“free media,”<br />

in campaign lingo—laced with exaggerations <strong>and</strong> emotional images.<br />

When Gorton called a press conference to preview three new spots set<br />

to air during the last two weeks <strong>of</strong> the campaign, R.W. “Johnny” Apple Jr.,<br />

the bigger-than-life correspondent for <strong>The</strong> New York Times, was on h<strong>and</strong>,<br />

sizing up one <strong>of</strong> the nation’s tossup congressional races. As the videotape<br />

began, he rolled his eyes <strong>and</strong> exchanged weary glances with the local<br />

scribes. Had reporting really come to this? “For most senators, incumbency<br />

is a tremendous electoral asset,” Apple wrote, “but for Mr. Gorton<br />

it has proved a mixed blessing. It has helped him raise a lot <strong>of</strong> money for<br />

television advertising, more than any c<strong>and</strong>idate in this state’s history. He<br />

will probably spend $3.3 million overall, as opposed to $1.7 million for Mr.<br />

Adams. * But it has also kept him out <strong>of</strong> the state while Mr. Adams . . .<br />

rebuilt his networks <strong>of</strong> supporters here.” 10<br />

* Roughly double that to get 2010 dollars.

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