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The Gortons and Slades - Washington Secretary of State

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A duBious honoR 327<br />

Jellen worked with Tony Williams, Gorton’s chief <strong>of</strong> staff, to develop a<br />

strategy that Tony would oversee down the stretch while she worked with<br />

the Bush people <strong>and</strong> other Republican c<strong>and</strong>idates. Goal No. 1 was to <strong>of</strong>fset<br />

Cantwell’s money advantage by keeping the National Republican Senatorial<br />

Committee <strong>and</strong> well-heeled GOP donors fully engaged <strong>and</strong> writing<br />

checks. Nor could they be content to watch Senn <strong>and</strong> Cantwell duke it<br />

out, à la Lowry <strong>and</strong> Bonker 12 years earlier. <strong>The</strong>y knew they wouldn’t get<br />

50 percent <strong>of</strong> the primary vote; they just couldn’t afford to be second. If<br />

Cantwell was the winner, which they fully expected, given Senn’s proclivity<br />

to go shrill <strong>and</strong> Maria’s money, they had to style her as a classic tax<strong>and</strong>-spend<br />

liberal disguised as a high-tech centrist. <strong>The</strong>ir ads would also<br />

emphasize Slade’s constituent-relations credentials, reprising the “Slade<br />

Gorton Works for Me” theme. <strong>The</strong>y had Bush’s state manager in their<br />

fold early on, <strong>and</strong> resolved to prop up the Texas governor in every way possible.<br />

“We knew ‘W’ wouldn’t win <strong>Washington</strong> but we didn’t want him to<br />

lose big,” Williams says. <strong>The</strong>y needed to energize the Republican base. It<br />

was likely to be another nail biter. <strong>The</strong>y scheduled fundraisers all around<br />

the state, with guest stars as diverse as Charlton Heston <strong>and</strong> Bill Gates.<br />

Guns <strong>and</strong> s<strong>of</strong>tware. <strong>The</strong> race would shatter the state’s campaign spending<br />

records.<br />

it wAs hALf pAst 9 on the night <strong>of</strong> May 12, 1999. Danny Westneat, <strong>The</strong><br />

Seattle Times’ man in <strong>Washington</strong>, was watching a master at work. Gorton<br />

was down on both knees in a room deep in the basement <strong>of</strong> the U.S.<br />

Capitol. “He wasn’t praying,” Westneat wrote. “Pen in h<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> surrounded<br />

by staff <strong>and</strong> lobbyists from the mining industry, the Republican<br />

senator was furiously scratching out the words to give Eastern <strong>Washington</strong><br />

a gold mine.” 9<br />

In 12 hours <strong>of</strong> wheeling <strong>and</strong> dealing by House <strong>and</strong> Senate conferees,<br />

the emergency appropriations bill President Clinton needed to underwrite<br />

the NATO air war in the Balkans <strong>and</strong> assist Kosovo refugees had<br />

acquired a remarkable array <strong>of</strong> expensive appendages <strong>and</strong> special pleadings.<br />

<strong>The</strong>re were subsidies for reindeer ranchers <strong>and</strong> sewers for Salt Lake<br />

City. A senator from Alabama was out to prevent the White House from<br />

listing sturgeon as an endangered species. Senator Byrd, who could play<br />

piggyback better than anyone, added a rider to help a West Virginia steel<br />

mill hurt by imports; Domenici was going to bat for small oil <strong>and</strong> gas<br />

companies; $566 million was earmarked to help Midwest farmers hurt by<br />

low commodities prices. <strong>The</strong> tinkering totaled $9 billion. Lacking a lineitem<br />

veto, Clinton would have to take it or leave it. 10

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