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The Gortons and Slades - Washington Secretary of State

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260 sLAde goRton: A hALf centuRy in poLitics<br />

as well as modifications to the Endangered Species Act. <strong>The</strong> alternative,<br />

Gorton said, was “complete devastation <strong>of</strong> those communities.” Some environmentalists<br />

“are moving toward a goal <strong>of</strong> complete elimination <strong>of</strong> the<br />

timber industry in the Northwest.” 18<br />

Congressman Dicks said Gorton was making a risky gamble. He sympathized<br />

with timber communities, but warned that any plan that fell<br />

short <strong>of</strong> the habitat protection advocated in the Thomas report could be<br />

thrown out by the courts. That could end up reducing the harvest to zero.<br />

Judge Dwyer’s temporary injunction was ample warning, the Bremerton<br />

Democrat said. Jim McDermott, the Seattle liberal who had won Lowry’s<br />

seat in Congress, said Gorton knew full well that any plan that fell short<br />

<strong>of</strong> the Thomas report “doesn’t have the chance <strong>of</strong> a snowball on a <strong>Washington</strong>,<br />

D.C., sidewalk.” It was 90 degrees on the day he said it. 19<br />

Win or lose, Mason said timber families would have long memories.<br />

“Gorton is the only strong advocate <strong>of</strong> reasonable timber harvest in the<br />

<strong>State</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Washington</strong>. If Brock Adams had his way, we’d all be on welfare.” 20<br />

At Gorton’s urging, the administration also prodded Congress to<br />

jump-start the process to convene the “God Squad,” a Cabinet-level committee<br />

vested under the Endangered Species Act with the responsibility<br />

<strong>of</strong> weighing whether the economic impact <strong>of</strong> saving a species was simply<br />

too high for society to bear. George Mitchell <strong>of</strong> Maine, the Senate majority<br />

leader, had helped write the act 17 years earlier. It would be “a dereliction<br />

<strong>of</strong> duty,” he said, for Congress to expedite the process. To Gorton,<br />

that was fresh evidence that the Democratic Party “st<strong>and</strong>s nakedly captive<br />

to the wine-<strong>and</strong>-brie urban special interests attacking the prospect <strong>of</strong> saving<br />

even some <strong>of</strong> the 35,000 jobs now imperiled in the Northwest.” Gorton<br />

said Scoop Jackson “would have found this moment a horror” for “he<br />

understood, as I do, that the people <strong>of</strong> those towns are the very definition<br />

<strong>of</strong> what it is to be American.” Congressman Peter DeFazio, D-Ore., shot<br />

back, “I think it would be news to me <strong>and</strong> news to all <strong>of</strong> the working class,<br />

wage-earning people <strong>of</strong> the Pacific Northwest that . . . ‘special-interest<br />

Slade’ was their champion. If he’s lifting a finger for working people, it<br />

will be the first time in his elected career.” 21<br />

In the middle <strong>of</strong> these pleasantries, the president <strong>of</strong> the Sierra Club felt<br />

genuinely obliged to visit Gorton’s <strong>of</strong>fice to thank him for championing<br />

legislation that would have required automakers to boost the corporate<br />

average fuel economy <strong>of</strong> their vehicles to 34 miles per gallon by 1995 <strong>and</strong><br />

40 mpg by 2001. <strong>The</strong> auto industry <strong>and</strong> the Bush administration mounted<br />

a full-court press to defeat the bill, arguing that the 20 to 40 percent increases<br />

were too costly to achieve. Gorton nevertheless brought the bill

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