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The Gortons and Slades - Washington Secretary of State

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126 sLAde goRton: A hALf centuRy in poLitics<br />

Johnson adds, savoring the memory <strong>of</strong> being Gorton’s key assistant in<br />

such a high-stakes legal battle so early in his career. 17<br />

A group <strong>of</strong> commercial fishermen who asserted that the state had no<br />

authority to apportion fish for any purpose other than conservation prevailed<br />

in Superior Court. Next up, the <strong>Washington</strong> <strong>State</strong> Supreme Court<br />

“not only held that the state had no authority to enforce the Boldt Decision,<br />

but that recognizing special rights for the Indians would violate<br />

the Equal Protection Clause <strong>of</strong> the U.S. Constitution!” Ziontz, incredulous,<br />

wrote in his memoirs. Boldt’s reaction was “breathtakingly audacious,”<br />

the retired Seattle attorney adds: “He put the entire fishery under<br />

federal supervision <strong>and</strong> ordered federal agencies to take over enforcement.”<br />

Now the U.S. Supreme Court was intensely interested. 18<br />

eAch MoRning the u.s. supReMe couRt is in session, clerks see to one<br />

<strong>of</strong> its oldest traditions: Quills similar to those used as ink pens in days <strong>of</strong><br />

yore are placed on the attorneys’ tables. Framed on Gorton’s <strong>of</strong>fice wall<br />

are 14 quills, each one a souvenir <strong>of</strong> a case he argued before the court.<br />

Half <strong>of</strong> them involved Indian issues, including the pitched debate over<br />

taxing cigarette sales at reservation smoke shops. Chief Justice Warren<br />

Burger observed that Gorton made “the best arguments before the Supreme<br />

Court <strong>of</strong> any attorney general in America.” 19 Justice Byron “Whizzer”<br />

White, a Rhodes Scholar <strong>and</strong> fierce questioner, concurred. One <strong>of</strong> the ones<br />

he lost, however, was the Boldt Decision—6–3 in the summer <strong>of</strong> 1979.<br />

Burger joined Justices Stevens, Brennan, White, Marshall <strong>and</strong> Black mun<br />

in voting to affirm. <strong>The</strong> dissenters were Rehnquist, Powell <strong>and</strong> Stewart.<br />

Writing for the majority, Stevens said the language <strong>of</strong> the treaties was<br />

as unambiguous as the high court’s decisions in six previous fishing<br />

treaty cases. Footnoted is the appellate court’s scathing opinion that the<br />

state had engaged in “extraordinary machinations” to resist enforcing<br />

treaty fishing rights. “Except for some desegregation cases . . . the district<br />

court has faced the most concerted <strong>of</strong>ficial <strong>and</strong> private efforts to frustrate<br />

a decree <strong>of</strong> a federal court witnessed in the century.” 20 Justice Powell,<br />

writing for the dissenters, asserted however that “nothing in the language<br />

<strong>of</strong> the treaties indicates that any party understood that constraints would<br />

be placed on the amount <strong>of</strong> fish that anyone could take, or that the Indians<br />

would be guaranteed a percentage <strong>of</strong> the catch. Quite to the contrary,<br />

the language confers upon non-Indians precisely the same right to fish<br />

that it confers upon Indians, even in those areas where the Indians traditionally<br />

had fished. . . . As it cannot be argued that Congress intended to<br />

guarantee non-Indians any specified percentage <strong>of</strong> the available fish, there

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