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The Gortons and Slades - Washington Secretary of State

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362 sLAde goRton: A hALf centuRy in poLitics<br />

members who spoke out about the opponents. “<strong>The</strong>re is a clear attempt<br />

afoot to marginalize the findings <strong>and</strong> recommendations <strong>of</strong> the commission,”<br />

she wrote in a guest editorial. “I was horrified to hear one former<br />

FBI agent call the commission ‘a traveling circus’ in a television interview.<br />

. . . It is completely irresponsible to demean this essential <strong>and</strong> important<br />

work. . . .Congress must force federal agencies to make changes.” 13<br />

John Warner, the Virginia Republican who headed the Senate Armed<br />

Services Committee, was a staunch defender <strong>of</strong> the Pentagon’s intelligence<br />

prerogatives. He worried that the commission was out to reduce the<br />

secretary <strong>of</strong> defense to a “payroll clerk.” Lieberman, McCain <strong>and</strong> Senator<br />

Susan Collins <strong>of</strong> Maine warned that terrorism was a real <strong>and</strong> present<br />

danger. Al-Qaida doubtless was busy planning its next attack <strong>and</strong> enjoying<br />

the woolgathering. It was time to get the lead out. “Nothing else we<br />

do is more important,” Lieberman said. 14<br />

By the third anniversary <strong>of</strong> 9/11, Bush was <strong>of</strong>fering concessions; ready<br />

to give the Director <strong>of</strong> National Intelligence “full budgetary authority”<br />

over most <strong>of</strong> the Intelligence Community yet still hedging his bets on<br />

whether the new spymaster should control all military intelligence-<br />

gathering. 15<br />

Bush defeAted KeRRy on the strength <strong>of</strong> Ohio’s 20 electoral votes. Republicans<br />

solidified control <strong>of</strong> Congress, <strong>and</strong> the 9/11 Commission was<br />

confident it had the popular vote. Still, it took another month <strong>of</strong> jawboning—especially<br />

among reluctant Republicans in the House—to pass the<br />

Intelligence Reform <strong>and</strong> Terrorism Prevention Act. It cleared the House<br />

on December 7; the Senate a day later, <strong>and</strong> was quickly signed into law by<br />

Bush. Gorton <strong>and</strong> the other nine commissioners looked on. It was a day<br />

<strong>of</strong> somber satisfaction <strong>and</strong> optimism, Gorton recalls. A year later, however,<br />

as its final act, the commission issued a report card rating the response<br />

to its recommendations: Five F’s, 12 D’s, nine C’s, 11 B’s, two “incompletes”<br />

<strong>and</strong> one A minus (for “significant strides” against terrorist<br />

financing, although the <strong>State</strong> Department <strong>and</strong> Treasury were still engaged<br />

in “unhelpful turf battles”). Uncle Sam couldn’t even make it to<br />

junior college with a grade-point average <strong>of</strong> 1.76. <strong>The</strong> F’s included airline<br />

passenger prescreening. Bag <strong>and</strong> cargo screening got a D. 16<br />

In particular, little progress had been made on information sharing.<br />

<strong>The</strong> good news was that the harsh report card opened a lot <strong>of</strong> eyes in<br />

Congress—part <strong>of</strong> the commission’s strategy. Gorton was hopeful that<br />

the new Counterterrorism Center would be the intelligence conduit<br />

America needs to help protect itself from such cunning <strong>and</strong> resourceful

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