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The Gortons and Slades - Washington Secretary of State

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144 sLAde goRton: A hALf centuRy in poLitics<br />

Pritchard, the lone Republican in the state’s congressional delegation,<br />

breezed to re-election with numbers as impressive as Jackson’s. And in a<br />

race for the state Supreme Court, Jim Dolliver scored a hard-won victory over<br />

Fred Dore in the most partisan nonpartisan judicial race in memory. 10<br />

eARLy in the 1977 LegisLAtive session, Gorton’s enemies cooked up a<br />

peculiar little stew that few could swallow. Sponsored by Mardesich <strong>and</strong><br />

wily old Slim Rasmussen <strong>of</strong> Tacoma, among others, Senate Bill 2213 purported<br />

to increase the quality <strong>of</strong> legal counsel by allowing state agencies<br />

to hire their own lawyers. Gorton thus would be divested <strong>of</strong> some 130 assistant<br />

attorneys general. One wag dubbed it the “Pierce County Bar Relief<br />

Act <strong>of</strong> 1977.” <strong>The</strong> media coverage <strong>of</strong> the bipartisan outcry that ensued<br />

provides a fascinating snapshot <strong>of</strong> how Gorton was perceived at a crucial<br />

juncture in his political career. David Brewster, founding editor <strong>of</strong> the<br />

Weekly, Seattle’s year-old alternative paper, dissected the brouhaha in a<br />

story that displayed his trademark style, a blend <strong>of</strong> erudition <strong>and</strong> political<br />

savvy:<br />

Gorton, always admired by the press, rallied the media to his side. After<br />

they had finished exposing the bill as the ill-considered ploy it was, its<br />

chances sank by the end <strong>of</strong> the week. . . .<strong>The</strong> odd episode brings certain<br />

realities into daylight. First is the diminishing popularity <strong>of</strong> Gorton, one<br />

<strong>of</strong> the brightest men in government. Gorton’s problems with the Legislature<br />

stem back to the redistricting fights <strong>of</strong> 1965 when he <strong>and</strong> Bob Greive<br />

fought a long battle that left several politicos cut out <strong>of</strong> a job (including<br />

Rasmussen). Gorton was elected attorney general in 1968, <strong>and</strong> he became<br />

a political strategist for Governor Evans, which brought him more enemies.<br />

His willingness to file seemingly very political suits . . . brought<br />

him more grudges; <strong>and</strong> his unwillingness to socialize with the legislative<br />

crowd (Gorton is a devoted family man) gave him a reputation for haughtiness.<br />

Indeed, he does not suffer fools well <strong>and</strong> there are plenty <strong>of</strong> fools in<br />

Olympia. And so, during the Sawyer-Mardesich years Gorton virtually<br />

gave up trying to push any legislation, since his sponsorship was virtually<br />

a kiss <strong>of</strong> death with that gang. That dismal period, combined with the<br />

moody inertia <strong>of</strong> Dan Evans in the last term, caused Gorton’s performance<br />

to languish. . . . Meantime, Gorton drifted apart from Evans, splitting with<br />

him on the Boldt Decision <strong>and</strong> over what to do about <strong>State</strong> Parks Director<br />

Charles Odegaard’s overexpenditures. Gorton said he would have fired<br />

Odegaard, <strong>and</strong> Evans was furious. (Parks, naturally, is one <strong>of</strong> the departments<br />

gunning for Gorton in the present dispute.) Politically isolated,<br />

targeted by labor, realtors, Liquor Board allies <strong>and</strong> the Herrmann machine,<br />

Gorton limped home over a weak challenger this last election.

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