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The Gortons and Slades - Washington Secretary of State

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A goLd wAtch foR MAggie 151<br />

Judd told a wartime assembly at Evanston High School that public service<br />

was the highest calling.<br />

In politics, timing is <strong>of</strong>ten everything. While most <strong>of</strong> his brain trust<br />

<strong>and</strong> many potential donors were skeptical, Gorton felt in his bones that<br />

1980 was his year. He believed Maggie was vulnerable <strong>and</strong> that Carter<br />

was an albatross for the Democrats. <strong>The</strong> president seemed impotent,<br />

even whiny. All the charm had evaporated from his Georgia drawl. On<br />

the Fourth <strong>of</strong> July, 1979, lines at gas pumps stretched for blocks. Eleven<br />

days later, responding to a bleak memo from his strategist <strong>and</strong> pollster,<br />

Patrick Caddell, the president gave his famous “malaise” speech. Carter<br />

lamented “a crisis <strong>of</strong> confidence” that “strikes at the very heart <strong>and</strong> soul<br />

<strong>and</strong> spirit <strong>of</strong> our national will.” It was a thoughtful speech laced with<br />

c<strong>and</strong>or, just not what the doctor ordered. Americans were disillusioned<br />

<strong>and</strong> pessimistic, out <strong>of</strong> gas, literally <strong>and</strong> figuratively. Carter’s bracing Baptist<br />

sermon wasn’t going to pump them up.<br />

That November, Iranian revolutionaries stormed the U.S. Embassy in<br />

Tehran <strong>and</strong> took hostage 66 Americans. <strong>The</strong> conservative tide that swept<br />

Margaret Thatcher into 10 Downing Street was also buoying Ronald Reagan.<br />

“Government is the problem, not the solution,” Reagan said, adding<br />

that the nine most terrifying words in the English language were “I’m<br />

from the government <strong>and</strong> I’m here to help.” 3<br />

<strong>Washington</strong> hadn’t elected a Republican senator since former Tacoma<br />

mayor Harry P. Cain in 1946, <strong>and</strong> he was evicted by Scoop Jackson after<br />

one controversial term, even in the teeth <strong>of</strong> the Eisenhower l<strong>and</strong>slide.<br />

Gorton vs. Magnuson was shaping up as one <strong>of</strong> the most dramatic<br />

races in state history, with national implications. <strong>The</strong> Republicans were<br />

counting on Gorton to help them gain a majority in the U.S. Senate. First,<br />

however, he needed to win the Republican nomination.<br />

Gorton had invited Howard Baker <strong>of</strong> Tennessee, the Senate minority<br />

leader, to headline his first fundraiser. When other Republicans joined<br />

the race, Baker sent his regrets. <strong>The</strong> only other volunteer for a pre-primary<br />

visit was Rudy Boschwitz, an ebullient freshman senator from Minnesota.<br />

Slade called to let him <strong>of</strong>f the hook. “I said I’d be there,” Boschwitz<br />

replied, “<strong>and</strong> I’ll be there.” He became one <strong>of</strong> Gorton’s best friends.<br />

voteRs A geneRAtion LAteR would be accustomed to hearing Gorton<br />

characterized as a movement conservative. In 1980, unless you happened<br />

to be an Indian, he was viewed as what he is—an intellectual centrist<br />

with libertarian tendencies. During his 22 years in <strong>Washington</strong> politics,<br />

Gorton had evolved as less liberal than Evans <strong>and</strong> Pritchard (opposition to

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