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Constructing Ionian identities: the Ionian Islands in British official ...

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military ports and harbours and to give <strong>the</strong> <strong>Ionian</strong> people representative government,<br />

based on <strong>the</strong> Canadian model. Grey, an advocate of responsible government s<strong>in</strong>ce <strong>the</strong><br />

1830s, had sanctioned representative <strong>in</strong>stitutions <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sept<strong>in</strong>sula before <strong>the</strong><br />

outbreak of revolutionary events <strong>in</strong> 1848. Regard<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> issue of free elections, Grey<br />

reserved <strong>the</strong> right to consider <strong>the</strong> proposal.<br />

In <strong>the</strong> Colonial Office, nei<strong>the</strong>r Grey nor Merivale were sufficiently acqua<strong>in</strong>ted<br />

with <strong>the</strong> <strong>Ionian</strong> Constitution. 97 The office turned to William Strachey, a former<br />

<strong>official</strong> of <strong>the</strong> East India Company thought to be familiar with <strong>the</strong> <strong>Ionian</strong> question.<br />

Strachey believed <strong>the</strong> free press and control over state f<strong>in</strong>ances were sufficient<br />

<strong>British</strong> concessions and criticised Seaton’s proposal to make Parliamentary elections<br />

free before implement<strong>in</strong>g municipal elections first. Seaton’s proposals were of a<br />

“very sweep<strong>in</strong>g nature” and left <strong>the</strong> Crown without “<strong>the</strong> least compensation,<br />

<strong>in</strong>fluence, or power of any k<strong>in</strong>d”. The Primary Council and <strong>the</strong> parliamentary Double<br />

Lists, if abolished, would lead <strong>the</strong> “whole [Constitutional] structure assuredly<br />

[fall<strong>in</strong>g] to pieces”. Strachey adopted Douglas’s view aga<strong>in</strong>st allow<strong>in</strong>g parliamentary<br />

elections, fear<strong>in</strong>g “total anarchy” <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Islands</strong> and <strong>in</strong>sisted <strong>the</strong> Crown reta<strong>in</strong> legal<br />

authority to suspend <strong>the</strong> Constitution and take over “<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> event of <strong>the</strong> experiment<br />

work<strong>in</strong>g ill”. Unlike Seaton and Grey, Strachey did not trust <strong>Ionian</strong>s to handle power.<br />

Nor did he believe <strong>the</strong> 1848 revolutions should <strong>in</strong>fluence colonial <strong>official</strong>s to<br />

concede “premature” constitutional reforms. 98 Grey advised Seaton to proceed with<br />

97 See m<strong>in</strong>utes <strong>in</strong> Seaton to Grey, 29 March 1848, CO 136/128. Grey’s lack of knowledge over<br />

colonial constitutional details was not unusual s<strong>in</strong>ce permanent <strong>official</strong>s <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Colonial Office usually<br />

dealt with such issues. Laidlaw Z., “Networks, Patronage and Information <strong>in</strong> Colonial Governance”,<br />

p. 37.<br />

98 See m<strong>in</strong>utes <strong>in</strong> Seaton to Grey, 5 July 1848, CO 136/128.<br />

211

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