Constructing Ionian identities: the Ionian Islands in British official ...

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Storks hoped the prorogation would allow “repose” after the political excitement and a change in public opinion. He also hoped it would teach the Assembly a lesson and, after its “punishment”, the Assembly would resume its duties and make “useful legislation”. Storks wanted to use prorogation to publicly discredit the Risospasti and expose them as “noisy demagogues” who rendered government impossible. Storks considered their conduct in the Assembly a “Reign of Terror” and believed they intimidated government supporters and moderates. 13 Prorogation succeeded; Storks reported on the “tranquillity prevailing in the Septinsula State”. 14 At the celebrations for the Queen’s birthday, “respect and defence” of the Protectorate was exhibited by municipal and church authorities, who “attended in full dress and offered up prayers for Her Majesty and the general government”. Public opinion was “becoming more and more moderate and reasonable”. 15 London received Storks’s news with great enthusiasm and believed he would make the Ionian Islands governable again. 16 To the new Colonial Secretary, the Duke of Newcastle, Storks argued practical administrative measures in the Islands could only be achieved if he ruled alone. Newcastle had served in Peel’s administration as Lord of the Treasury from 1834-1835, the first Commissioner of Woods and Forests from 1841-1846 and Chief Secretary of Ireland in 1846. 17 He was, like Gladstone 13 Ibid. Holland and Markides believe the majority of Ionians supported the Risopasti and wanted union with Greece. This conflicts with Storks's views, and those of the Colonial Office, which believed the supporters for the British outnumbered the Risopasti. Storks believed the support for the Risospasti appeared larger because the Risospasti were much more vocal in their complaints than government supporters. Holland R., and Markides D., The British and the Hellenes, pp. 48-53. 14 Storks to Lytton, 12 May 1859, CO 136/165. 15 Storks to Lytton, 28 May 1859, CO 136/165. 16 Lytton to Storks, 6 April 1859, CO 136/165; Lytton to Storks, 26 May 1859, CO 136/165. 17 For more on Newcastle's imperial policies see Farnsworth, S., British Imperial Policy, Chap. 4. 318
and other Peelites, “dedicated to the preservation of a British Empire in which the mutual interests of both colonies and Mother Country would be served”. 18 Newcastle believed responsible government meant the transfer of the local, economic, political and defensive responsibilities to the colonies as they matured. They were not cast off by the Mother Country but would be helped when trouble threatened to ensure the strength and prosperity of the Empire. Gladstone believed responsible government was coupled with freedom and responsibility, but Newcastle believed it was based on mutual sympathy and obligation. 19 While responsible government was appropriate for British white settler colonies, it was not for Ionians: “mild despotism is alone suited to such a people”. 20 Newcastle’s philosophy of “Firmness and Forbearance” became the fundamental principles of British rule in the Septinsula. Storks reported Ionian representatives seemed to regret the “foolish and insensate courses” they had pursued. In addition, the suspension of public works and funds caused by the prorogation was creating dissatisfaction in Ionian constituencies and was blamed, Storks believed, on the Risospasti. 21 Like Young, he also requested the power of the “dormant order in Council” which would allow him to dissolve Parliament, arguing it was the only effective course to follow when dealing with a “people Oriental rather than European in their impressions and influences”. 22 18 Ibid., p. 182. 19 Ibid., p. 182 20 Quoted in Tumelty J. J., “The Ionian Islands under British Administration”, p. 295. 21 Storks to Lytton, 28 March 1859, CO 136/165. 22 Storks to Newcastle, Most Confidential, 14 July 1859, CO 136/166. Storks was not the only one to have this opinion. Bowen had similar views and believed responsible government was not fit for a “semi-Oriental country” like the Ionian Islands, but was only made for the “credit of England”. Bowen to Gladstone, 10 June 1859, Gladstone Papers, Add. MS 44391. 319
Page 1 and 2:
Constructing Ionian Identities: The
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Abstract Utilising material such as
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I owe a great debt to Alison Kitson
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Table of Contents Introduction: Con
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Introduction.......................
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examined the establishment of the I
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This thesis examines the processes
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journeys facilitated “the continu
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approaches and interpretations to p
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Fallmerayer and George Finlay about
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during the examination of the Ionia
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examine internationality, to explor
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‘nationality’ of the inhabitant
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Holland and Markides's focus on Gla
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century. 31 Her work demonstrates t
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“foundational text” of postcolo
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national identity. 45 She argued it
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emains an important contribution to
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prevailing historiographical myths
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such as John Stuart Mill argued “
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qualities of women and instilling t
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context of the Empire, this placed
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This focus on difference, which inc
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literature, particularly Homeric te
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fascinated by their local festivals
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theatre, opera houses and religious
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ut used it to explain elements of I
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years would be, I am convinced an e
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British ambiguities in their repres
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William Gladstone. Collectively the
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The British Parliamentary Papers pr
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governments. Politically, Venice or
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Economically, the Ionian Islands su
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permanent, ultimately had a long-te
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Summary of the chapters. Chapter on
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power as the most effective way to
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The conclusion reiterates the compl
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destroyed and occupied lucrative Fr
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Fifteen years of vigorous devotion
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to avoid the kind of slave revolt i
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at preserving the integrity of the
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authorities for this purpose”. 27
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political situation following the m
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centuries under Venetian and Russia
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the Septinsula, which led to the de
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evolt in 1791 led by Toussaint l’
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Maitland's administration “was an
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effectively summarised his characte
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on the state, character, and condit
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political behaviour under their pre
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In Madras, Bentinck held more liber
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Castlereagh complained of Bentinck
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and miscellaneous subjects. 105 The
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majority of laws passed during the
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and direction of European territori
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of these debates on 23 February 182
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despotism under the disguise of a r
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with “young men from England, …
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Ionian individuals. Goulburn interp
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119 “…We [are their] Guardians
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Henry argued Maitland’s obsession
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authorised to correct the abuses an
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“The Lord High Commissioner gover
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existing constitution of the Ionian
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Islands to deal with Ionian complai
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he ceded the territory of Parga, a
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who did not obey with exile and con
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was killed and three were wounded.
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ule in the Islands. 86 What mattere
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elieved authoritarian government wa
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consideration and benevolent thinki
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Conclusion. The Constitution of 181
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Chapter 3: Debating the reform of t
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followed: an improved criminal code
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Nugent’s policy in the Islands di
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eform without the Colonial Office
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To Kirkpatrick, a member of the Sup
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candidate in Liverpool in 1832 and
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passion, lack of self-control and r
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Ionian families the economic burden
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Constantinople and win assent to th
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their surplus revenue. Moreover, al
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Mediterranean. They were important
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Douglas’s view of the “very bac
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Charles Grant, Lord Glenelg, was a
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Assembly retaliated by systematical
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was sceptical of the property regul
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He was familiar with imperial polit
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unlawful. 112 Stephen’s opinion w
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Mustoxidi. As European peoples with
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material improvements in the Island
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corruption, and in the next place,
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supported Douglas’s argument that
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Chapter 4: Seaton’s reform progra
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learned European languages. 6 His l
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political institutions and sought m
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suggested by Gladstone during his m
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British administration ruled the Is
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societies failed politically unless
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promised there would be no misuse o
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Indies. In Lord Melbourne’s minis
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New Zealand, where Grey proposed a
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critics. Believing the issue would
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policy to prepare the Ionians for r
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the power of traditional institutio
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military ports and harbours and to
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wounded and several casualties for
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Ionians, especially those without p
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Parliament, trusting Seaton’s ass
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were marked in the margin of the te
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government practised in other parts
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and was considered a “radical lea
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too far on the franchise. 12 Privat
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as the use of patronage, which he b
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Ward believed Ionians ought to exer
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civilised nation, was fit to govern
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that at this time, they were not ye
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a rural struggle against the ruling
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and dismembering of some victims. 6
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joined the Risospasti and expressed
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and Cephalonian affairs. Papanicola
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protection in favour of union with
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there “was something in the posse
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Although Ward privately opposed con
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British protection and the administ
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evised their regulations to make it
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the Senate took the recess of Parli
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have been formed in the English sch
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Islands and making Corfu a colony,
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the existing penalties for direct p
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only get support if he offered patr
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as his opinions regarding Ward's fa
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successor's, Sir John Young's, tenu
Page 267 and 268: offered a critical view of British
Page 269 and 270: egan in November 1853 following Rus
Page 271 and 272: people”. 16 The Risospasti used t
Page 273 and 274: when dealing with the Assembly. 25
Page 275 and 276: accept Ionian candidates. Excluding
Page 277 and 278: superiors to be apprehensive of his
Page 279 and 280: advocated the union of the Islands
Page 281 and 282: problems of British rule in the Isl
Page 283 and 284: Gladstone entered politics as a Tor
Page 285 and 286: greater responsibility over their o
Page 287 and 288: Islands connected to Britain. Like
Page 289 and 290: shared. 85 Gladstone was also an ou
Page 291 and 292: Ionian Protectorate in the Colonial
Page 293 and 294: serve as Lord High Commissioner for
Page 295 and 296: “presents at once the symptoms of
Page 297 and 298: esulting in the rise of a radical n
Page 299 and 300: that, with time, the Ionians would
Page 301 and 302: emaining members nominated by the L
Page 303 and 304: elationship with a “quarrelsome
Page 305 and 306: autocratic measures in ruling the E
Page 307 and 308: impossible. The geographical positi
Page 309 and 310: nominations were by the Lord High C
Page 311 and 312: friend Sidney Herbert that his cons
Page 313 and 314: and imperial supremacy. In the end
Page 315 and 316: for the post. After the fall of Der
Page 317: tone, claiming “the greatest obje
Page 321 and 322: Prorogation of the Assembly continu
Page 323 and 324: providing for the substitution of a
Page 325 and 326: prorogued the Assembly for six mont
Page 327 and 328: him was that even the most trusted
Page 329 and 330: condition would move them away from
Page 331 and 332: conclusive and Storks’s request w
Page 333 and 334: inclusion of Ionians in examination
Page 335 and 336: they were not suited for “self-go
Page 337 and 338: candidates had the “moral courage
Page 339 and 340: Unlike his predecessors, Storks did
Page 341 and 342: The Colonial Office defended Storks
Page 343 and 344: capital. 112 However, such desires
Page 345 and 346: good impression “with his simplic
Page 347 and 348: In 1862, Palmerston found a solutio
Page 349 and 350: At the time of the rumours the Colo
Page 351 and 352: advantages of personal security and
Page 353 and 354: Conclusion In the aftermath of Glad
Page 355 and 356: Conclusion During their years as a
Page 357 and 358: Correspondence between the Lord Hig
Page 359 and 360: deserved either representative or r
Page 361 and 362: constitutional reforms, he introduc
Page 363 and 364: justify Ionian unfitness for respon
Page 365 and 366: constructed binary oppositions and
Page 367 and 368: British parliamentary papers, XXXII
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Lear E., Views in the Seven Ionian
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Synedriou, [Proceedings of the 4th
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Panioniou Synedriou [Proceedings of
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Chytitiris G., “Young and Gladsto
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Dixon C. W., The Colonial Administr
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Hall C. and Rose S., “Introductio
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Iremonger L., Lord Aberdeen, (Londo
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Knox B. A., “British Policy and t
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Makris T., “I eleutherotipia ke I
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Morrell W. P., British Colonial Pol
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Paximadopoulou-Stavrinou M., Oi eks
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Sainty J. C., Colonial Office Offic
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Stringos A., I Epanastasi tou ‘21
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Woodhouse C. M., The Greek War of I
Page 397:
Tumelty J. J., “The Ionian Island
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