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Constructing Ionian identities: the Ionian Islands in British official ...

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Economically, <strong>the</strong> <strong>Ionian</strong> <strong>Islands</strong> suffered dur<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> Venetian era. Venice had<br />

encouraged local mono-cultures by enforc<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> exclusive cultivation of olives <strong>in</strong><br />

Corfu and currants <strong>in</strong> Zante and Cephalonia, creat<strong>in</strong>g many risks associated with<br />

local soil and climatic conditions, with harvests be<strong>in</strong>g unpredictable for olives and<br />

easily ru<strong>in</strong>ed for currants. Annual gra<strong>in</strong> crop rarely exceeded three or four months<br />

consumption and <strong>the</strong> rest had to be imported. Venetian protectionist policies, which<br />

<strong>in</strong>cluded conduct<strong>in</strong>g all shipp<strong>in</strong>g through its own ports, resulted <strong>in</strong> additional import<br />

and export taxes on <strong>Ionian</strong> goods, hamper<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> <strong>Ionian</strong> economy as a whole. 150<br />

It has been asserted “<strong>the</strong> great triumph of Venice’s colonial rule was that,<br />

although it seldom governed by popular consent, it brilliantly ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>the</strong> illusion<br />

of do<strong>in</strong>g so”. 151 As Calligas noted, Venice “utilized <strong>the</strong> local power of <strong>the</strong> nobility to<br />

impose her rule, both parties co-operated <strong>in</strong> susta<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g a system that preserved <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

rule”. 152 After <strong>the</strong> end of <strong>the</strong> Venetian occupation, when <strong>the</strong> ris<strong>in</strong>g commercial<br />

bourgeoisie challenged <strong>the</strong> authority of <strong>the</strong> nobility, <strong>the</strong> <strong>British</strong> were more <strong>in</strong>terested<br />

<strong>in</strong> ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong>ir own control than identify<strong>in</strong>g closely with <strong>the</strong> nobility. As<br />

Laidlaw has shown, <strong>British</strong> policy throughout <strong>the</strong> Empire was to forge political<br />

allegiance though governmental patronage. 153 After 1848, Brita<strong>in</strong>’s problems may<br />

150 For example prices were kept low due to <strong>the</strong> existence of a s<strong>in</strong>gle market, contraband trade and<br />

piracy grew, and transit trade that had proved successful <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> past, ceased. Indirect taxation “seemed<br />

unjust and <strong>in</strong>jurious to trade” but <strong>the</strong> “<strong>Ionian</strong>s loa<strong>the</strong>d direct taxation, a lesson <strong>the</strong> <strong>British</strong> learned <strong>in</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong>ir turn”, see Pratt M., Brita<strong>in</strong>'s Greek Empire. Reflections on <strong>the</strong> history of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Ionian</strong> <strong>Islands</strong> from<br />

<strong>the</strong> fall of Byzantium, (London, 1978), p. 25.<br />

151 Pratt M., Brita<strong>in</strong>’s Greek Empire, p. 23<br />

152 Calligas E., “The Rizospastai (Radicals-Unionists)”, p. 17.<br />

153 See Laidlaw Z., Colonial Connections, 1815-1845.<br />

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