Open%20borders%20The%20case%20against%20immigration%20controls%20-%20Teresa%20Hayter
Open%20borders%20The%20case%20against%20immigration%20controls%20-%20Teresa%20Hayter
Open%20borders%20The%20case%20against%20immigration%20controls%20-%20Teresa%20Hayter
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Refugees: Tightening the Screw 79<br />
asylum claims. According to the Sunday Times of 31 October 1999, John<br />
Tincey, spokesperson for the Immigration Service Union, said the<br />
amendment meant that ‘It is debatable whether we have any effective<br />
immigration controls left.’ In addition, said the front-page article, a ‘confidential<br />
internal Home Office briefing seen by The Sunday Times’ claimed the<br />
Lords amendment would lead to a doubling of asylum seekers next year,<br />
adding a further 40,000 at a cost of £500 million: ‘Jack Straw, the home<br />
secretary, hoped the bill would curb the rapid increases in asylum applications<br />
from migrants simply seeking a better life in Britain.’ But, said the the<br />
Sunday Times, ‘A Home Office source said the bill may have to be delayed<br />
until the next parliamentary session to overturn the amendment on<br />
vouchers’, in which case ‘“You can forget any attempts to keep numbers<br />
down next year.”’ When the bill returned to the House of Commons on 9<br />
November 1999, Ann Widdecombe and William Hague withdrew Tory<br />
support for the Lords amendment. On this occasion 60 MPs voted for the<br />
amendment, of whom 17 were Labour, three were Conservative, five were<br />
Scottish National Party, one was Plaid Cymru, one was Ulster Unionist, and<br />
the rest, plus the two tellers, were Liberal Democrats. The Immigration and<br />
Asylum Act became law on 6 December 1999.<br />
The Labour Party’s actions seemed to many people inexplicable. But the<br />
explanation is probably quite simple. Straw’s and Blair’s attitude towards<br />
asylum seekers has many precedents in the behaviour of previous Labour<br />
governments, and presumably parallels their attitude to criminals: Labour<br />
must demonstrate that it can be tougher towards them than the Tories were,<br />
and so remove one of the perceived electoral assets of the Tories. Yet the<br />
Labour government is unlikely to be successful in its attempts to outdo the<br />
Tories. In the summer of 1999 Ann Widdecombe, Conservative shadow<br />
home secretary, and William Hague, leader of the Conservative opposition,<br />
embarked on a campaign of attacking Labour – for being soft on asylum<br />
seekers. The Guardian of 1 September 1999, under the heading ‘Hague takes<br />
up the battle over asylum seekers’, reported that Hague had called a ‘crisis<br />
summit’ on immigration, accusing the government of ‘dereliction of duty’<br />
for allowing so many people to seek refuge in Britain, and saying that he was<br />
‘particularly outraged’ to discover that Westminster Council ‘had more<br />
asylum seekers dependent on social services than “old ladies in nursing<br />
homes”’. Straw responded with a letter to Hague ‘pointing out that in the<br />
past Westminster Council had supported the government’s measures to deter<br />
abusive asylum seekers’ and had said the government’s asylum bill was ‘“a<br />
considerable move forward”’. Claiming that ‘the Tory party nationally had<br />
failed to make any proposals to deal with illegal immigration’, Straw, says<br />
the Guardian, wrote:<br />
You can either support the views of our party colleagues in Westminster and back<br />
our moves to crack down on the problem of illegal immigration – or you can side with<br />
your frontbench colleague, Ann Widdecombe, and weaken control. It cannot be both.