Open%20borders%20The%20case%20against%20immigration%20controls%20-%20Teresa%20Hayter
Open%20borders%20The%20case%20against%20immigration%20controls%20-%20Teresa%20Hayter
Open%20borders%20The%20case%20against%20immigration%20controls%20-%20Teresa%20Hayter
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158 Open Borders<br />
status can be useful to employers because of their willingness to work for low<br />
wages and long hours and in poor conditions, and because of pressures on<br />
the labour market. Immigration, legal or illegal, is clearly good for employers.<br />
The Wall Street Journal favours not only increased immigration but,<br />
consistent with its free market ideology, free movement. In January 2000<br />
Alan Greenspan, head of the US Federal Reserve, said that ‘Not only in hightech<br />
and in the farm area but throughout the country aggregate demand is<br />
putting pressure on an ever-decreasing supply of unemployed labour.’ He<br />
suggested that if growth was to continue without inflation, immigration<br />
policies would have to be relaxed.<br />
A different question is whether immigration is good for the native<br />
workforce. Greenspan’s remarks tend to reinforce the widely held belief that<br />
competition from immigrants forces down wages and deprives the locals of<br />
jobs. But the likelihood is that immigration has little effect on wage levels<br />
and conditions, and that its effect on employment levels is if anything<br />
positive. A great deal has been written on this question. One neo-liberal US<br />
economist, George B. Borjas, wrote in a 1993 OECD publication that:<br />
The methodological arsenal of modern econometrics cannot find a single shred of<br />
evidence that immigrants have a major adverse impact on the earnings and job opportunities<br />
of natives of the United States.<br />
It is nevertheless often argued that general wage levels might have risen<br />
faster in the absence of immigrants. Another orthodox economist, Charles P.<br />
Kindleberger, argued in Europe’s Postwar Growth: The Role of Labor Supply,<br />
that the availability of labour was the major factor which determined<br />
whether European economies grew fast or not. Countries such as France and<br />
Germany which had high levels of net immigration grew faster than Britain<br />
where there was net emigration. Kindleberger argues that this was because<br />
immigration kept down inflationary pressures on wage levels. On the other<br />
hand wage levels in France and Germany are now much higher than those<br />
in Britain.<br />
The thesis that immigrants cause unemployment seems to have little or<br />
no basis in reality. As is well known, unemployment was higher in the<br />
1930s, when there was hardly any immigration, than it is now. Unemployment<br />
in Europe was lowest in the period of major immigrations after the<br />
Second World War. It is clearly caused by capitalist recessions rather than by<br />
immigration. Even the effects of sudden large-scale immigration on unemployment<br />
seem to be short-lived. Nigel Harris, in a paper presented in Paris<br />
in September 1999, says that when Algeria became independent in 1962<br />
about 900,000 pieds-noirs (white settlers) moved to France; unemployment<br />
around Marseille peaked at 20 per cent a few months later, but was down to<br />
6 per cent one year later and 4 per cent the next year. The return of<br />
Portuguese colonists from Africa had no more effect. OECD figures show a<br />
correlation between immigration and employment levels in the mid-1990s<br />
which is the opposite of what some people assume: the countries with lowest