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xii Open Borders<br />

to convince the opponents of immigration that it is keeping people out of Britain.<br />

On 18 September 2003 The Times reported as follows:<br />

A ‘short, sharp Bill’ to curtail the appeals process for asylum-seekers and deter the growing<br />

number of people who destroy their papers in transit will be announced in the Queen’s<br />

Speech.<br />

The Times has learnt that the Bill will be rushed through Parliament early in the<br />

next session to make sure that it can have an impact on the number of asylum-seekers<br />

arriving in Britain before the next general election.<br />

Tony Blair hinted at the measures in a meeting with his MPs yesterday, warning<br />

them that ‘some people will not like it’. However, he said that he was aware that it<br />

was an issue in many constituencies and could cost Labour votes if more progress was<br />

not made.<br />

Polling research suggests that many voters do not believe government statistics which<br />

show that applications have fallen, and need more reassurance. ‘The Bill will certainly<br />

cut down on the legal gravy train and stop people playing the system,’ a Whitehall<br />

source said.<br />

Governments are constantly introducing changes in immigration laws. The<br />

changes are themselves a reflection of their inability to control the movement<br />

of people. The Tories’ Asylum and Immigration Appeals Act of 1993 and its<br />

Asylum and Immigration Act of 1996 were followed by Labour’s Immigration<br />

and Asylum Act of 1999 (which is described in some detail in this book). In<br />

November 2002 Labour passed another act, the Nationality, Immigration<br />

and Asylum Act. Yet another is apparently due in 2004.<br />

The 2002 Act was preceded by a White Paper entitled ‘Secure Borders, Safe<br />

Haven: Integration with Diversity’, published in February 2002. This is a<br />

curious document. Its first half is devoted to arguing that immigrants make<br />

a large contribution to British prosperity and to meeting shortages of skills,<br />

and that Britain needs more of them. The second half is about how the<br />

government will stop them coming. The explanation, it seems, is that the<br />

government wants ‘managed’ immigration. By this it means that it hopes to<br />

be able to select the immigrants it wants, in the numbers and types that it<br />

wants, and to bar entry to anybody else. This is an idea that is becoming quite<br />

widespread, including among those who believe that immigration controls<br />

can somehow be made more humane and fair. The argument is that if legal<br />

channels of entry are broadened, then there will be less incentive for people,<br />

including asylum seekers who are supposedly not really asylum seekers, to<br />

come to Britain without permission. But of course such a policy leaves the<br />

whole repressive apparatus of immigration controls intact, and there is no<br />

sign that they will do anything other than continue to become more vicious.<br />

If the government’s renewed interest in attracting immigrants satisfied the<br />

demand for asylum or work in Britain, there would be no need for immigration<br />

controls. The reality is that, while the government sends out recruiting<br />

teams to pillage the skills of trained Third World professionals, it simultaneously<br />

spends millions on making skilled people suffer, and perhaps deporting<br />

them, if they come to this country on their own initiative to seek asylum or

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