Open%20borders%20The%20case%20against%20immigration%20controls%20-%20Teresa%20Hayter
Open%20borders%20The%20case%20against%20immigration%20controls%20-%20Teresa%20Hayter
Open%20borders%20The%20case%20against%20immigration%20controls%20-%20Teresa%20Hayter
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Re-open the Borders 161<br />
IMMIGRATION AND PUBLIC EXPENDITURE<br />
A common argument put forward by the proponents of immigration controls<br />
is that free movement would be impossible to accept because of the existence<br />
of the welfare state and the burden immigrants would put on it. In 1963<br />
Frank McLeavy, Labour MP for Bradford East, said in the House of Commons:<br />
We cannot afford to be the welfare state for the whole of the Commonwealth. We have<br />
a responsibility to our people from a trade union point of view ...<br />
Such attitudes are frequently expressed, and not just by trade unionists.<br />
Apparently the benefits of the welfare state should be reserved for the native<br />
inhabitants of the rich countries. They are not for sharing. The effects of<br />
immigration on public finances are much debated. But, as Bob Sutcliffe<br />
argues in Nacido en otra parte:<br />
This is really an extraordinary debate. First, both sides share the assumption that<br />
immigration is desirable only if it has a positive fiscal balance. That is, immigrants<br />
are welcome only if they improve the economic situation of the current inhabitants.<br />
If not, they must be excluded. A debate based on similar assumptions in relation to<br />
national groups would be almost universally considered barbaric. If, for example, and<br />
as is likely, in general people over the age of 70 receive more from public expenditure<br />
than they contribute to it, an argument corresponding to the one on immigration<br />
would have to be that such persons are undesirable and should be expelled from the<br />
country. Doubtless the same would apply to the unemployed, the severely incapacitated,<br />
perhaps to religious people and artists. The only reason why the argument is not<br />
rejected is that it concerns foreigners. To take this argument seriously is to contribute<br />
to the dehumanisation of the migrant.<br />
Nevertheless those who wish to protect the privileges of the inhabitants of<br />
the rich countries need not worry too much. Most research concludes that<br />
the effect of immigration on public finances is slight. Seventeen studies on<br />
the matter were examined by the OECD in a 1997 report on Trends in International<br />
Migration; 4 said the effect of immigration on public finances was<br />
zero or positive, 6 that it was zero or negative, and 7 could not decide; none<br />
of them was said to be conclusive. Immigrants when they first arrive<br />
probably contribute more to the welfare state than they take from it. They are<br />
generally young men, and sometimes women, of working age, self-selected<br />
as fit and enterprising. Provided they are allowed to work they do so; they<br />
pay taxes and do not require welfare benefits. The rich countries get the<br />
labour they need for the functioning and expansion of their economies<br />
without having to pay what Marxists call the reproduction costs of labour:<br />
the support and education of children and care and medical attention for<br />
people who are ill. Usually they fail to make any attempt to provide<br />
immigrants with adequate housing. Refugees, it is true, sometimes come<br />
with medical problems, including the aftermath of torture, but they too are<br />
mostly young and would work if they were allowed to. The very rich come