Open%20borders%20The%20case%20against%20immigration%20controls%20-%20Teresa%20Hayter
Open%20borders%20The%20case%20against%20immigration%20controls%20-%20Teresa%20Hayter
Open%20borders%20The%20case%20against%20immigration%20controls%20-%20Teresa%20Hayter
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166 Open Borders<br />
right are interviewed on television, it becomes even harder to understand<br />
how such specimens can consider themselves to be of superior stock.<br />
MIGRATION AND THE THIRD WORLD<br />
A big question is whether or not migration is in the interest of the peoples of<br />
the Third World. If it is beneficial, or at least not harmful, for the countries<br />
that the migrants go to, it could be that it was damaging for the countries<br />
they leave. This argument is sometimes used, either cynically or sincerely, by<br />
the proponents of immigration controls. Usually it is a self-serving argument;<br />
it is hardly likely that those who resort to it genuinely believe that the justification<br />
for immigration controls, and all the suffering they impose on<br />
individuals, is that they help the Third World. Quite apart from the question<br />
of the enforced flight of some people for whom the alternative would be death,<br />
imprisonment and torture, and the economic benefits to some of the<br />
individuals who migrate, it is likely that migration leads to some redistribution,<br />
however imperfect, of the world’s wealth in favour of the Third World.<br />
One of the largest international flows of resources in the world today is<br />
‘remittances’, or money saved by migrant workers and sent back to their<br />
families. The amounts are difficult to estimate. The World Bank publishes<br />
figures on remittances transmitted through official channels. These are<br />
widely considered to be serious underestimates since remittances are often<br />
made through unofficial channels, or made in kind, carried by migrants<br />
when they return home, and not recorded in the statistics. In addition, the<br />
fact that exchange rates are often undervalued in Third World countries<br />
magnifies the purchasing power of the foreign exchange remitted. Nevertheless<br />
even the official figures for remittances are higher than the figures<br />
for foreign aid. The World Bank figure for remittances in 1998 was $52.8<br />
billion. Its figure for foreign aid was $50 billion, of which only $23 billion<br />
was actually grants to developing countries. The figures are roughly<br />
equivalent to 1 per cent of the national income and 5 per cent of the exports<br />
of all middle- and low-income countries.<br />
Remittances are of course not evenly distributed. They are concentrated<br />
precisely in the areas of high emigration, and therefore not necessarily in the<br />
poorest countries and regions. But they have many advantages over other<br />
forms of international financial transfers. They are not the result of any<br />
‘charity’ from the rich countries, but are the product of the hard work of the<br />
migrants themselves, who have come to recuperate some small part of the<br />
wealth that has been stolen from them over centuries of imperialism. They<br />
are without doubt preferable to aid from the World Bank, the International<br />
Monetary Fund (IMF) and other official sources. Unlike bank loans and most<br />
official aid, they do not have to be repaid. Although remittances are not a<br />
secure form of income, nor are aid and foreign bank loans. And remittances<br />
come without conditions. They are not tied to purchases of doubtfully useful