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Open%20borders%20The%20case%20against%20immigration%20controls%20-%20Teresa%20Hayter

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58 Open Borders<br />

differ, for example, from the North American Free Trade Agreement<br />

(NAFTA), which excludes labour from its freedoms. The Treaty of Rome<br />

contained a chapter entitled ‘Freedom of Movement for Workers’. The<br />

intention was not only that labour should be treated as one of the<br />

commodities traded across frontiers, for the benefit of capital, but that this<br />

freedom of movement should be a means of increasing popular support for<br />

European integration. Migrants within Europe were to have full social and<br />

family rights. When Greece joined the EEC in 1980 and Spain and Portugal<br />

in 1986, this meant that people who had traditionally emigrated to northern<br />

Europe for work now had freedom to do so. In 1986 the Single Europe Act<br />

was adopted. Its article 7a states that:<br />

The internal market shall comprise an area without internal frontiers in which the<br />

free movement of goods, persons, services and capital is ensured in accordance with<br />

the provisions of this Treaty.<br />

The implication was that, just as there are no controls between regions in<br />

national markets, there should be none at frontiers between member states.<br />

However in the 1970s two different sets of immigration rights began to be<br />

created. Not only was immigration from outside Europe virtually stopped,<br />

but the rights of ‘third-country nationals’ who were already settled in Europe<br />

differed sharply from those of migrants with the nationality of one of the<br />

member countries. The prospect of the elimination of border controls at<br />

frontiers aroused irrational fears in the authorities of uncontrolled<br />

movements of hordes of non-European nationals across frontiers. Although<br />

they had been prepared to take the risk that Spaniards, Italians, Portuguese<br />

and Greeks might migrate en masse to northern Europe, apparently they<br />

were unwilling to contemplate the prospect that, for example, all Turkish<br />

people settled in Europe might choose to migrate to Germany, North<br />

Africans might all travel to France and Pakistanis to Britain. ‘Third country<br />

nationals’ therefore continued to have severely restricted rights to move<br />

around Europe and limited rights to family reunification and social<br />

protections if they did move.<br />

In addition, while internal borders were being dismantled, the west<br />

European states became more concerned about the joint enforcement of their<br />

external borders. There was pressure from northern countries for southern<br />

countries to introduce and tighten immigration controls. There had been an<br />

almost total absence of immigration controls in Greece, Italy, Spain and<br />

Portugal, traditionally countries of emigration rather than immigration, but<br />

now more attractive as destinations because of their membership of the<br />

European Community. In Italy, for example, a decision was made to stop<br />

issuing new labour permits in 1982, but foreign workers continued to work<br />

without them; it was not until 1986 that immigration legislation was<br />

enacted to prohibit illegal immigration, followed by the ‘Martelli law’ of 1990<br />

which set annual quotas for admitting immigrants, and established asylum<br />

procedures. In Portugal, an Aliens Law was passed in 1992; it established

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