Open%20borders%20The%20case%20against%20immigration%20controls%20-%20Teresa%20Hayter
Open%20borders%20The%20case%20against%20immigration%20controls%20-%20Teresa%20Hayter
Open%20borders%20The%20case%20against%20immigration%20controls%20-%20Teresa%20Hayter
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58 Open Borders<br />
differ, for example, from the North American Free Trade Agreement<br />
(NAFTA), which excludes labour from its freedoms. The Treaty of Rome<br />
contained a chapter entitled ‘Freedom of Movement for Workers’. The<br />
intention was not only that labour should be treated as one of the<br />
commodities traded across frontiers, for the benefit of capital, but that this<br />
freedom of movement should be a means of increasing popular support for<br />
European integration. Migrants within Europe were to have full social and<br />
family rights. When Greece joined the EEC in 1980 and Spain and Portugal<br />
in 1986, this meant that people who had traditionally emigrated to northern<br />
Europe for work now had freedom to do so. In 1986 the Single Europe Act<br />
was adopted. Its article 7a states that:<br />
The internal market shall comprise an area without internal frontiers in which the<br />
free movement of goods, persons, services and capital is ensured in accordance with<br />
the provisions of this Treaty.<br />
The implication was that, just as there are no controls between regions in<br />
national markets, there should be none at frontiers between member states.<br />
However in the 1970s two different sets of immigration rights began to be<br />
created. Not only was immigration from outside Europe virtually stopped,<br />
but the rights of ‘third-country nationals’ who were already settled in Europe<br />
differed sharply from those of migrants with the nationality of one of the<br />
member countries. The prospect of the elimination of border controls at<br />
frontiers aroused irrational fears in the authorities of uncontrolled<br />
movements of hordes of non-European nationals across frontiers. Although<br />
they had been prepared to take the risk that Spaniards, Italians, Portuguese<br />
and Greeks might migrate en masse to northern Europe, apparently they<br />
were unwilling to contemplate the prospect that, for example, all Turkish<br />
people settled in Europe might choose to migrate to Germany, North<br />
Africans might all travel to France and Pakistanis to Britain. ‘Third country<br />
nationals’ therefore continued to have severely restricted rights to move<br />
around Europe and limited rights to family reunification and social<br />
protections if they did move.<br />
In addition, while internal borders were being dismantled, the west<br />
European states became more concerned about the joint enforcement of their<br />
external borders. There was pressure from northern countries for southern<br />
countries to introduce and tighten immigration controls. There had been an<br />
almost total absence of immigration controls in Greece, Italy, Spain and<br />
Portugal, traditionally countries of emigration rather than immigration, but<br />
now more attractive as destinations because of their membership of the<br />
European Community. In Italy, for example, a decision was made to stop<br />
issuing new labour permits in 1982, but foreign workers continued to work<br />
without them; it was not until 1986 that immigration legislation was<br />
enacted to prohibit illegal immigration, followed by the ‘Martelli law’ of 1990<br />
which set annual quotas for admitting immigrants, and established asylum<br />
procedures. In Portugal, an Aliens Law was passed in 1992; it established