Open%20borders%20The%20case%20against%20immigration%20controls%20-%20Teresa%20Hayter
Open%20borders%20The%20case%20against%20immigration%20controls%20-%20Teresa%20Hayter
Open%20borders%20The%20case%20against%20immigration%20controls%20-%20Teresa%20Hayter
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Resistance 145<br />
victory and, some argued, contributing to it, the Debré laws were introduced.<br />
These laws cancelled the automatic right to renewal of ten-year residence<br />
permits, making it subject to ‘public order’ and other conditions, and<br />
substituted temporary one-year permits for some categories of residents, thus<br />
immediately making the situation of thousands of people precarious and<br />
potentially illegal. They increased surveillance measures, including fingerprinting,<br />
to check immigration status at work and elsewhere. They also<br />
attempted to introduce a measure obliging people offering hospitality to<br />
foreigners not only to obtain permission from the town hall, but to report<br />
when they left; this measure attracted huge protests and was withdrawn,<br />
after massive demonstrations which were joined by hundreds of celebrities<br />
who announced their intention of breaking the law.<br />
In June 1997 the left regained control of parliament. There were high<br />
hopes that they would proceed to a general regularisation of the sans-papiers.<br />
Immediately after the elections, while Socialist Party supporters were<br />
celebrating inside, demonstrators were outside announcing their determination<br />
to hold them to their promises on refugees and migrants. Lionel<br />
Jospin, the new prime minister, met Ababacar Diop, one of the leaders of the<br />
sans-papiers, and announced that the regularisation of sans-papiers would be<br />
speeded up, but would be conditional on certain criteria such as ties with<br />
France. Officials made clear that regularisation would not be generalised as<br />
in 1982. Chévènement, the new minister of the interior, issued a decree<br />
inviting applications for regularisation. Some 150,000 applied, but only<br />
about 75,000 were granted papers, for one year only. Another 63,000, most<br />
of whom had lived in France for many years, were refused and made subject<br />
to deportation. The Chévènement decree came to seem more like a trap than<br />
an offer, since the 63,000 had revealed their names and addresses and were<br />
faced with a choice of deportation or going back into hiding, afraid each time<br />
they went out that that might be the last they saw of their families. In<br />
addition, an unknown number did not come forward, mistrusting the<br />
Socialists’ promises. The Socialist government did not repeal the Pasqua<br />
laws. It allowed one hunger strike to continue for 78 days. The sans-papiers<br />
continued to demand the regularisation of all the undocumented, both those<br />
who declared themselves and those who did not.<br />
On 27 March 1999 the Sans-Papiers National Coordinating Committee<br />
organised a big demonstration in Paris, together with many anti-racist<br />
organisations and trade unions and political parties, including the CGT, the<br />
CFDT-FGTE, the French Communist Party, the Greens, the Ligue<br />
Communiste Révolutionnaire and Lutte Ouvrière, and with participation<br />
from most European countries, including a delegation from the Campaign<br />
to Close Campsfield. A delegation of 3,500 Italians in special trains,<br />
accompanied by some Albanian refugees, was stopped at the French frontier,<br />
which was closed to all travellers by 1,500 special riot police and members<br />
of the French Foreign Legion. The European demonstration’s demands were<br />
for the regularisation without conditions of all the sans-papiers in Europe; for