Open%20borders%20The%20case%20against%20immigration%20controls%20-%20Teresa%20Hayter
Open%20borders%20The%20case%20against%20immigration%20controls%20-%20Teresa%20Hayter
Open%20borders%20The%20case%20against%20immigration%20controls%20-%20Teresa%20Hayter
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28 Open Borders<br />
responsibilities are largely ignored. Hundreds of children of negroid or mixed<br />
parentage eventually find their way to the various homes maintained by the<br />
Corporation, to be reared to unhappy maturity at great public expense. Large numbers<br />
of the adults are in receipt of unemployment benefit or National Assistance and many<br />
are engaged in the drug traffic or supplement their incomes by running illicit drinking<br />
dens or by prostitution.<br />
This, the writers opined, was creating a ‘new Harlem’, and any attempt to<br />
improve conditions would only encourage others to come. Labour’s representative<br />
at a confidential meeting in the Colonial Office in 1954 (reported<br />
by Layton-Henry in The Politics of Immigration) blamed immigrants for ‘overcrowding,<br />
ghettos, crime, disease, dependence on National Assistance and<br />
the creation of racial friction’. The Labour MP for North Kensington, Mr<br />
George Rogers, after the Notting Hill anti-black riots in 1958, made the<br />
following comments to the Daily Sketch on the effect of the ‘tremendous influx<br />
of coloured people from the Commonwealth’:<br />
Overcrowding has fostered vice, drugs, prostitution and the use of knives. For years<br />
the white people have been tolerant. Now their tempers are up.<br />
Racism among the population as a whole was, as before, fuelled by the fact<br />
that the new immigrants were forced to live in poor conditions and to work in<br />
the worst jobs. Expanding industry and services needed workers, and got them<br />
from the British former empire. But it was hard for the new immigrants to find<br />
housing. There was no programme to build council housing to house the new<br />
workers, and in many areas it was initially almost impossible for immigrants<br />
to obtain accommodation on existing council estates, as a result of prejudice<br />
both from council officers and from tenants. Prejudice against ‘coloured’<br />
tenants and neighbours was extreme. As Sam King (see p. 17) put it:<br />
In those days I wouldn’t even try to get a room for myself. There were advertisements<br />
for rooms all over the place but when you went there it had gone. ...<br />
We were the second black family to buy a house in Camberwell. ...<br />
Because we couldn’t get mortgages we pooled all our money to help others.<br />
Immigrants were forced to find accommodation in run-down areas, and were<br />
then, as the Irish had been, blamed for the state of these areas. In addition,<br />
once an immigrant or group of immigrants had obtained a house, this house<br />
was of necessity used to house large numbers of people, which in turn caused<br />
neighbours to complain about squalor and overcrowding.<br />
Commonwealth immigrants came to Britain because there were jobs, and<br />
usually found them immediately. But when unemployment rose black people<br />
were the first to be sacked. Today their children suffer disproportionately<br />
from unemployment. Unemployment for blacks is now two or three times<br />
higher than it is for whites; in some inner-city areas as many as 70 per cent<br />
of young black men are unemployed. With brutal inconsistency, they are<br />
therefore accused both of taking ‘British’ jobs and of scrounging off the state.<br />
Unemployment for blacks is the result of discrimination rather than lower