Open%20borders%20The%20case%20against%20immigration%20controls%20-%20Teresa%20Hayter
Open%20borders%20The%20case%20against%20immigration%20controls%20-%20Teresa%20Hayter
Open%20borders%20The%20case%20against%20immigration%20controls%20-%20Teresa%20Hayter
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66 Open Borders<br />
Similarly, Home Office immigration minister Charles Wardle, in a letter to<br />
John Patten MP in response to a letter from one of his constituents, dated 15<br />
April 1994, said the following:<br />
The number of asylum seekers entering the United Kingdom rose sharply from some<br />
4,000 in 1988 to a peak of 45,000 in 1991. Following the introduction of new<br />
screening procedures, the number of applications fell to about 25,000 in 1992 but<br />
this was still some six times higher than in 1988. Significantly, the proportion of<br />
applicants found to be genuine refugees as defined by the 1951 UN Convention<br />
relating to the Status of Refugees decreased from about 60 per cent in the early 1980s<br />
to 25 per cent in 1990; and to only about 5 per cent in 1992. Against this background<br />
I am afraid that it would fly in the face of reality to deny that asylum has been claimed<br />
by a huge number of individuals in order to circumvent the immigration control and<br />
obtain settlement here.<br />
This does not mean that the claims are without foundation, but merely that<br />
governments turn down claims which should not be turned down. A Home<br />
Office-appointed special adjudicator, charged with determining appeals<br />
against refusals, spent the first half of an interview with the author in 1994<br />
asserting that claims were always dealt with on their individual merits; a<br />
little later he said that the numbers of asylum claims were increasing so fast<br />
that ‘something had to be done to bring them down’. The rates at which<br />
people are recognised as refugees have declined over time and vary between<br />
countries. Thus, according to Danièle Joly’s book Refugees: Asylum in Europe?,<br />
the acceptance rate for applicants in Europe was nearly half in 1984; ten<br />
years later it was less than one in ten. The 1998 Statistical Overview of the<br />
UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) gives an average recognition<br />
rate for asylum applicants in Europe over the period 1989–98 of 9.1 per cent;<br />
the lowest rate was 6.1 per cent in 1993. In 1998 the average for Europe<br />
was 9.2 per cent. In Britain it was 16.9 per cent, up from 5.7 per cent in<br />
1996; in 1999 the initial recognition rate in the UK increased to 54 per cent.<br />
In Germany it was 7.7 per cent, in France 17.5 per cent, in Italy 29.6 per<br />
cent, and in Canada 43.8 per cent. In the Czech Republic it was 100 per cent<br />
in 1990 and 2.8 per cent in 1998, a pattern common to east European states.<br />
In Portugal it was 46.3 per cent in 1989 and 1.6 per cent in 1998. In<br />
general, the process of applying for asylum is fraught with arbitrariness and<br />
bitter injustice.<br />
Clearly, since virtually all legal possibilities for migrating from the Third<br />
World for economic betterment have now been closed off, there is likely to be<br />
some increase in migration by clandestine means, and also in claims for<br />
political asylum by people who would otherwise have migrated legally as<br />
workers. Thus, for example, many of the people claiming asylum in West<br />
Germany, after the German government stopped recruiting guestworkers in<br />
the 1970s, were Turkish and Kurdish, as were the guestworkers. This may<br />
not, however, mean that the refugees were not in reality refugees, but rather<br />
that many of the Turkish and Kurdish workers were also refugees. Much the