Open%20borders%20The%20case%20against%20immigration%20controls%20-%20Teresa%20Hayter
Open%20borders%20The%20case%20against%20immigration%20controls%20-%20Teresa%20Hayter
Open%20borders%20The%20case%20against%20immigration%20controls%20-%20Teresa%20Hayter
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Refugees: Tightening the Screw 107<br />
of affairs. ... [this] uncompromising draconian policy contemplates a life so destitute<br />
that to my mind no civilised nation can tolerate it.<br />
The Tory social security secretary, Peter Lilley, proceeded to demonstrate<br />
that that was exactly parliament’s intention. He asked parliament to reverse<br />
the Court of Appeal’s ruling by passing new primary legislation. In spite of<br />
strong opposition in the House of Lords, the 1996 Asylum and Immigration<br />
Act was passed, incorporating the new rules on benefits for asylum seekers.<br />
Lawyers then went to court against Kensington and Chelsea Council, and<br />
won the judgment that somebody without any money could be held to be<br />
vulnerable under homelessness legislation, and should therefore be housed.<br />
In a third case, in the High Court on 8 October 1996, four asylum seekers<br />
won the judgment that they were eligible for support under the 1948<br />
National Assistance Act, which obliges local authorities to provide shelter<br />
and food for anybody who is destitute for whatever reason, and that this had<br />
not been changed by the 1996 Act, which did not mention it. Mr Justice<br />
Collins commented that he found it:<br />
impossible to believe that Parliament had intended that an asylum seeker, who was<br />
lawfully here and who could not lawfully be removed from the country, should be left<br />
destitute, starving and at risk of grave illness and even death because he could find no<br />
one to provide him with the bare necessities of life.<br />
He added that if parliament attempted to pass a law restating its intentions,<br />
it would be in breach of the European Convention on Human Rights and the<br />
Geneva Convention on Refugees. His judgment was upheld in an appeal on<br />
17 February 1997 by the master of the rolls, Lord Woolf, and two other<br />
judges, who wrote that ‘The plight of asylum-seekers who are in the position<br />
of the respondents obviously can and should provoke deep sympathy. Their<br />
plight is indeed horrendous.’ The Times reported that:<br />
The four asylum seekers who brought the case are a Romanian who arrived aboard<br />
a lorry last July, has slept rough under Waterloo Bridge and has nowhere to live, no<br />
money and speaks no English; an Algerian who arrived last July and has slept rough<br />
in Hyde Park, London; a Chinese citizen who arrived last May; and an Iraqi Kurd who<br />
arrived secretly last August.<br />
After this, and until the introduction of Labour’s plans for a Home Office-run<br />
voucher and accommodation scheme, asylum seekers were more or less<br />
supplied ‘with the bare necessities of life’. In addition, the 1989 Children’s<br />
Act was used to help families with children. The changes meant that asylum<br />
seekers were supported not from the central government-funded social<br />
security budget, thus making a ‘saving’ of approximately £200 million a<br />
year, but from the already much depleted social services budgets of a fairly<br />
small number of local authorities, most of them in deprived inner London.<br />
The much-publicised ‘burden’ on local authorities is of the government’s<br />
making. Although the Conservative government decided to reimburse local<br />
authorities at the rate of £165 a week for each asylum seeker, this was said