Open%20borders%20The%20case%20against%20immigration%20controls%20-%20Teresa%20Hayter
Open%20borders%20The%20case%20against%20immigration%20controls%20-%20Teresa%20Hayter
Open%20borders%20The%20case%20against%20immigration%20controls%20-%20Teresa%20Hayter
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Border Controls 39<br />
more crucially, people without ready means of support. All this was followed<br />
by racist agitation in the East End, where most Jewish immigrants lived, and<br />
scurrilous press reports referring to ‘the scum washed on our shores from<br />
dirty water coming from foreign drain-pipes’, and so forth.<br />
The next attempt to introduce immigration control legislation in<br />
Parliament was in 1904, under the Tories. Their bill contained powers not<br />
just to deport, but to refuse admission. A Liberal amendment, saying the<br />
accusations of sweating by immigrants should be opposed by legislation<br />
against sweating rather than the exclusion of immigrants, and that the<br />
principle of asylum should be retained, was proposed by the Liberal MP Sir<br />
Charles Dilke, who said the Tories had ‘raised a devil which they will find it<br />
difficult to lay’, that immigration was declining, that sweating existed in<br />
trades in which there were no immigrants, that the cheap labour of women<br />
and girls was a far more serious matter for the trade unions than was the<br />
influx of immigrant labour, and that in the past immigrants had usually met<br />
with hostility and subsequently been accepted and even praised. Other<br />
Liberals strongly opposed the bill, continuing the argument that the remedy<br />
for any supposed ills was to build houses for the workers, who were needed<br />
for industry, and to improve social and working conditions in general. The<br />
bill was withdrawn.<br />
It was replaced by a watered-down version in the next session of<br />
parliament. This bill retained the principle of asylum and limited the powers<br />
of expulsion by immigration officers to ‘undesirable aliens’, defined as<br />
previous deportees, fugitive offenders, and the destitute who came to Britain<br />
on ‘immigrant ships’ containing more than 20 third-class passengers. Thus<br />
‘Potential “undesirables”’, Robin Cohen comments in Frontiers of Identity,<br />
‘were thought to be exclusively found among the steerage passengers ...’, a<br />
‘stunning demonstration of class justice that allowed those who could afford<br />
cabin fares to escape examination’. The bill provided for a right to appeal to<br />
an immigration board. The Liberals again opposed the bill. Labour members,<br />
none of whom had spoken against the 1904 bill and some of whom had<br />
abstained rather than voting against it, did speak and vote against the 1905<br />
bill. Tories resorted to grotesque accusations in its support, such as the<br />
remark by W. Hayes Fisher MP:<br />
Just as one river could carry a certain amount of sewage, but not the sewage of the<br />
whole Kingdom, so one portion of London cannot carry the whole of the pauper and<br />
diseased alien immigrants who come into the country.<br />
The Aliens Act became law in August 1905. The new entry controls required<br />
the setting up of an Immigration Service and the recruitment of immigration<br />
officials at the ports to determine whether immigrants were to be allowed in.<br />
Its chief inspector, W. Haldane Porter, said to be the ‘founding father’ of the<br />
Immigration Service, was a close associate of Major Evans-Gordon, the first<br />
in a tradition of immigration officials with links to the far right.