19.05.2013 Views

Open%20borders%20The%20case%20against%20immigration%20controls%20-%20Teresa%20Hayter

Open%20borders%20The%20case%20against%20immigration%20controls%20-%20Teresa%20Hayter

Open%20borders%20The%20case%20against%20immigration%20controls%20-%20Teresa%20Hayter

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

Create successful ePaper yourself

Turn your PDF publications into a flip-book with our unique Google optimized e-Paper software.

72 Open Borders<br />

or sending back refugees to places where they face persecution; article 33<br />

states that ‘No Contracting State shall expel or return a refugee ... to the<br />

frontiers of territories where his life or freedom would be threatened.’ In other<br />

respects its provisions are quite subjective, especially in relation to the<br />

definition of a ‘well founded fear of persecution’, and leave much flexibility<br />

to governments to interpret them so as to admit or exclude particular<br />

individuals and groups of people according to the priorities of state policy.<br />

Refugees are increasingly expected, against the spirit of the conventions and<br />

the guidelines of the UNHCR, to provide ‘proof’ that their fear of persecution<br />

is well founded.<br />

The convention itself provides a narrow definition of refugees, which has<br />

excluded people who badly need asylum. People whose persecution is not by<br />

governments and their agencies are, according to some governments’ interpretations<br />

of the convention, including the French and German, excluded.<br />

People who are not themselves politically active, but have been caught up in<br />

generalised conflicts and wars, are usually not recognised as refugees within<br />

the definitions of the convention. Women who have, for example, been raped<br />

by soldiers or police have had difficulty in having their claims recognised,<br />

even though the UNHCR suggested in 1985 that states should grant refugee<br />

status to women persecuted as a ‘particular social group’. Some lawyers have<br />

succeeded in arguing the cases of refugees under the European Convention<br />

on Human Rights, which was incorporated into British law in the Human<br />

Rights Act of 1998 and is due to become operative in Britain in October<br />

2000. In addition, the 1966 International Covenant on Civil and Political<br />

Rights and the 1984 UN Convention against Torture and Other Cruel,<br />

Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment have been used to protect<br />

refugees. It has also been argued that refugee status should be determined<br />

on the basis of violations of the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights,<br />

which includes prohibitions against torture and cruel, inhuman or<br />

degrading treatment or punishment and against arbitrary arrest, detention<br />

or imprisonment without independent judicial process, and states that<br />

‘Everyone has the right to seek and enjoy in other countries asylum from<br />

persecution.’<br />

People who are not recognised as refugees under the terms of the Geneva<br />

Convention may nevertheless be allowed to stay for temporary periods for<br />

various ‘humanitarian’ reasons. In Britain they can be given ‘Exceptional<br />

Leave to Remain’, for a limited but renewable period, but without the right<br />

to be joined by their families or to travel abroad; in Germany they may be<br />

given temporary residence permits.<br />

Some refugees are forced to travel from country to country without their<br />

claims being determined; the phenomenon has become so common that they<br />

are known as ‘refugees in orbit’, or even as RIOs. The Dublin Convention,<br />

signed by European Union member states in 1990, stipulates that asylum<br />

applications should normally be determined in the first EU state in which an<br />

applicant arrives. This means for example that, even if refugees have friends

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!