19.05.2013 Views

Open%20borders%20The%20case%20against%20immigration%20controls%20-%20Teresa%20Hayter

Open%20borders%20The%20case%20against%20immigration%20controls%20-%20Teresa%20Hayter

Open%20borders%20The%20case%20against%20immigration%20controls%20-%20Teresa%20Hayter

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

Create successful ePaper yourself

Turn your PDF publications into a flip-book with our unique Google optimized e-Paper software.

Border Controls 47<br />

Even, it was argued, if restrictions were applied to all citizens of the Commonwealth,<br />

black or white, this would still leave the problem of how to justify<br />

not excluding the Irish, who were considered to be a desirable and<br />

‘assimilable’ supply of much needed labour.<br />

The politicians’ early efforts to stop the arrival of black workers in Britain<br />

concentrated on trying to persuade governments in the Caribbean and the<br />

Indian subcontinent to stop emigration at source (thus arguably contravening<br />

article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights). These<br />

efforts had some success in India and Pakistan. They were hampered even<br />

then by a new trade in false documents, and by a decision of the Indian<br />

Supreme Court that it was unconstitutional for the Indian government to<br />

refuse to issue passports to its citizens. They were mostly unsuccessful in the<br />

Caribbean, where both colonial and independent governments refused to<br />

make themselves unpopular by blocking attempts by their citizens, when<br />

jobs were scarce in the Caribbean, to go and look for them where they were<br />

abundant. Official propaganda, including a film showing severe winter<br />

conditions and the supposed difficulty of getting jobs in Britain, did not fool<br />

Jamaicans who knew that the British were recruiting European voluntary<br />

workers. The government resorted to methods such as denying the right to<br />

West Indians to travel cheaply on troop ships returning empty to Britain.<br />

When the Commonwealth Immigrants Act was eventually passed in<br />

1962, it excluded the Irish from its provisions, an exclusion which was<br />

exploited by Labour in its opposition to the whole principle of the act. But it<br />

got round the problem of how not to appear to discriminate between different<br />

categories of Commonwealth citizens by making entry into Britain<br />

conditional on obtaining work vouchers. These did discriminate, between<br />

skilled and unskilled workers, and the expectation was that most of the<br />

former would be white. The act created three categories of job vouchers for<br />

Commonwealth citizens wishing to enter and settle in Britain. Category A<br />

was for people who had a job to come to; category B was for skilled people;<br />

and category C for the rest. People born in the United Kingdom or holding<br />

passports issued by the British government were deemed to ‘belong to’ the<br />

United Kingdom and therefore not restricted by the act. In the Cabinet Rab<br />

Butler, the then home secretary, is recorded in the recently released Cabinet<br />

papers of 6 October 1961 (quoted by Ian Spencer) as introducing the concept<br />

of work vouchers to his colleagues as follows:<br />

The great merit of this scheme is that it can be presented as making no distinction on<br />

grounds of race or colour. ... Although the scheme purports to relate solely to<br />

employment and to be non-discriminatory, the aim is primarily social and its<br />

restrictive effect is intended to, and would in fact, operate on coloured people almost<br />

exclusively.<br />

The scheme was based on proposals put forward by an interdepartmental<br />

working party of civil servants set up by the Conservative government in<br />

1959 to report periodically on the need for controls. The working party

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!