Open%20borders%20The%20case%20against%20immigration%20controls%20-%20Teresa%20Hayter
Open%20borders%20The%20case%20against%20immigration%20controls%20-%20Teresa%20Hayter
Open%20borders%20The%20case%20against%20immigration%20controls%20-%20Teresa%20Hayter
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Border Controls 47<br />
Even, it was argued, if restrictions were applied to all citizens of the Commonwealth,<br />
black or white, this would still leave the problem of how to justify<br />
not excluding the Irish, who were considered to be a desirable and<br />
‘assimilable’ supply of much needed labour.<br />
The politicians’ early efforts to stop the arrival of black workers in Britain<br />
concentrated on trying to persuade governments in the Caribbean and the<br />
Indian subcontinent to stop emigration at source (thus arguably contravening<br />
article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights). These<br />
efforts had some success in India and Pakistan. They were hampered even<br />
then by a new trade in false documents, and by a decision of the Indian<br />
Supreme Court that it was unconstitutional for the Indian government to<br />
refuse to issue passports to its citizens. They were mostly unsuccessful in the<br />
Caribbean, where both colonial and independent governments refused to<br />
make themselves unpopular by blocking attempts by their citizens, when<br />
jobs were scarce in the Caribbean, to go and look for them where they were<br />
abundant. Official propaganda, including a film showing severe winter<br />
conditions and the supposed difficulty of getting jobs in Britain, did not fool<br />
Jamaicans who knew that the British were recruiting European voluntary<br />
workers. The government resorted to methods such as denying the right to<br />
West Indians to travel cheaply on troop ships returning empty to Britain.<br />
When the Commonwealth Immigrants Act was eventually passed in<br />
1962, it excluded the Irish from its provisions, an exclusion which was<br />
exploited by Labour in its opposition to the whole principle of the act. But it<br />
got round the problem of how not to appear to discriminate between different<br />
categories of Commonwealth citizens by making entry into Britain<br />
conditional on obtaining work vouchers. These did discriminate, between<br />
skilled and unskilled workers, and the expectation was that most of the<br />
former would be white. The act created three categories of job vouchers for<br />
Commonwealth citizens wishing to enter and settle in Britain. Category A<br />
was for people who had a job to come to; category B was for skilled people;<br />
and category C for the rest. People born in the United Kingdom or holding<br />
passports issued by the British government were deemed to ‘belong to’ the<br />
United Kingdom and therefore not restricted by the act. In the Cabinet Rab<br />
Butler, the then home secretary, is recorded in the recently released Cabinet<br />
papers of 6 October 1961 (quoted by Ian Spencer) as introducing the concept<br />
of work vouchers to his colleagues as follows:<br />
The great merit of this scheme is that it can be presented as making no distinction on<br />
grounds of race or colour. ... Although the scheme purports to relate solely to<br />
employment and to be non-discriminatory, the aim is primarily social and its<br />
restrictive effect is intended to, and would in fact, operate on coloured people almost<br />
exclusively.<br />
The scheme was based on proposals put forward by an interdepartmental<br />
working party of civil servants set up by the Conservative government in<br />
1959 to report periodically on the need for controls. The working party