Open%20borders%20The%20case%20against%20immigration%20controls%20-%20Teresa%20Hayter
Open%20borders%20The%20case%20against%20immigration%20controls%20-%20Teresa%20Hayter
Open%20borders%20The%20case%20against%20immigration%20controls%20-%20Teresa%20Hayter
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Refugees: Tightening the Screw 97<br />
51 illegal immigrants in the back of a lorry in July 1995; they had come from<br />
India, Pakistan, China and Turkey, and:<br />
As well as the sniffer dogs, the Home Office has teams of immigration officers equipped<br />
with night vision equipment trawling the lay-bys and petrol stations near Dover and<br />
other ports seeking evidence of people being transferred from containers to cars.<br />
Germany uses helicopters, patrol boats and three kinds of heat-seeking equipment<br />
to detect illegal immigrants along its border with Poland, operated by military<br />
personnel in police uniforms. ...<br />
Vast amounts of money and time are devoted to improving the technology of<br />
control. Millions are spent on detection of forged passports and travel documents. A<br />
sub-group of the Ad Hoc Group on Immigration ... holds bi-monthly seminars on<br />
detecting forged travel documents. Western Europe’s junior partners, particularly<br />
Hungary, the Czech Republic and Poland, which have been recruited as buffer states<br />
and act increasingly as the frontline of immigration control, are being supplied<br />
urgently with equipment such as automated travel document scanners, UV-IR lamps,<br />
security laminate verifiers and video-spectral comparators. And biometric controls<br />
are being developed, which could do away with the need for passports. Digital<br />
fingerprinting and electronic scanning of the iris of the eye are being explored, and<br />
there are already pilot hand-scanners in use at JFK and Frankfurt airports. ...<br />
Those whom Europe’s interior and justice ministers have called on to develop<br />
European immigration and asylum policy behind closed doors are policemen, security<br />
officials, immigration officers and civil servants. It is no wonder that what they<br />
produce smacks of a European police state, in which refugees are described as<br />
‘disorderly movements’ and measures designed to combat them.<br />
All asylum seekers and illegal entrants to Britain are fingerprinted, in part so<br />
that their fingerprints can be held on the Schengen information system (SIS),<br />
a central European electronic database to deter ‘asylum shopping’.<br />
The attempt to stop refugees begins well before they arrive at European<br />
borders. The only way of becoming a refugee outside the country of asylum<br />
is through the UNHCR resettlement programme, but its provisions are<br />
restrictive, and only 27,000 refugees were resettled by the UNHCR in 1997;<br />
61 of these were resettled in Britain, where they had close family ties. In<br />
1999 Britain eventually accepted a few hundred Kosovans under this<br />
programme; by April 1999 it had accepted 330 Kosovans out of a UNHCRprogramme<br />
total of 22,253, of whom 9,974 were in Germany and 2,000 in<br />
France. Most refugees therefore have three main possibilities: to apply for a<br />
visitor’s, student’s or business visa at a British embassy or high commission,<br />
to buy a (very expensive) forged visa, or to stow away or be smuggled (the<br />
latter, again, at great expense). Approaching a British diplomatic post can<br />
itself be extremely dangerous, because of security guards outside and local<br />
employees inside. To get a visitor’s or other visa requires proof of the<br />
possession of money and contacts; any mention of asylum will lead to<br />
immediate refusal, although there are a few cases of embassy officials<br />
befriending a refugee. Immigration officials appear to recognise that refugees<br />
are unlikely to be able to travel on their own documents. A Nigerian detainee