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Open%20borders%20The%20case%20against%20immigration%20controls%20-%20Teresa%20Hayter

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6 Open Borders<br />

period of brutal impoverishment of the Yugoslav population. ... The<br />

“economic therapy” (launched in January 1990) contributed to crippling<br />

the federal State system. State revenues which should have gone as transfer<br />

payments to the republics and autonomous provinces were instead funnelled<br />

towards servicing Belgrade’s debt ... .’ This in turn fuelled the populist<br />

nationalism which led to the break-up of Yugoslavia and war.<br />

In a more direct sense, repression and wars in the Third World are largely<br />

made possible because both the regimes and those who fight them obtain<br />

weapons from the industrialised countries, frequently with the help of official<br />

loans. Many of the world’s most repressive regimes are supported, with aid<br />

for example, by European governments and the United States. Both the<br />

Nigerian and the Zairean governments, as well as many governments in<br />

Latin America and Asia, were supported for years while they oppressed and<br />

tortured their peoples and stole their wealth. When right-wing governments<br />

are thrown out or voted out by liberation movements or left-wing political<br />

parties and attempt to carry out reforms and to redistribute wealth to the<br />

poor, the West intervenes by cutting aid, boycotting trade and sometimes by<br />

military intervention, directly or through its surrogates. It thus has direct<br />

responsibility, for example, for refugees from Chile and from Angola, among<br />

others. The recent flow of refugees from eastern Europe follows the introduction<br />

of capitalism and market systems and the break-up of Yugoslavia<br />

and the Soviet Union, most of which was welcomed and supported by the<br />

West. In 1999 more than half of all asylum seekers in Europe were from the<br />

Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, nearly all of them Kosovans. Those who<br />

assert that refugees and migrants are a problem should examine the causes<br />

of forced migration, rather than blaming and punishing refugees.<br />

In Britain there have been three main historical phases of anti-immigrant<br />

agitation, leading in the first two cases to the abandonment of what were<br />

thought to be inviolable principles of free movement, and potentially doing<br />

so in the third, current, phase. In the first phase controls were introduced in<br />

1905 to restrict the entry of ‘aliens’, mainly Jewish refugees from eastern<br />

Europe and Russia. In the second controls were introduced in 1962 to stop<br />

the entry of ‘coloured’ British Commonwealth citizens. In the third, while<br />

entry for political refugees is still in theory allowed, this principle is being<br />

undermined. There are distinct parallels between the first two of these<br />

phases. In both cases immigration controls were initially demanded by an<br />

extreme right-wing racist minority, following a larger influx of immigrants<br />

than previously. The demands for controls were not the result of any<br />

economic imperatives or problems. They fed, and were fed by, a growth of<br />

irrational prejudice against outsiders. Controls on the free movement of<br />

people were at first opposed by high-minded rhetoric from mainstream<br />

politicians of all parties, who eventually succumbed to racist pressures, or<br />

allowed their own prejudices to prevail, and introduced controls. As each<br />

measure of control was introduced, this, rather than appeasing the racists,

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