Open%20borders%20The%20case%20against%20immigration%20controls%20-%20Teresa%20Hayter

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Preface to the Second Edition xxv refugee camps in Hong Kong and did research in Vietnam, gives a gripping fictionalised account of some of their stories). The more governments cast around for ever more brutal and repressive ways of trying to keep people out, the clearer it becomes that it is impossible to win any particular improvements in immigration controls, important though it is to expose and campaign against their harshest consequences. The suffering imposed on asylum seekers and other migrants is not some random or unintended consequence of immigration controls. It is deliberate government policy. Governments believe in deterrence, or the potential for reducing the number of people applying for asylum by making conditions harsh. Even supposing there was any prospect that governments might abandon this belief, suffering is an inevitable consequence of immigration controls, which give to the state the right to choose between the deserving and the undeserving. The people best able to decide whether they need to migrate, or to seek refuge, are migrants themselves. It is also not enough to argue, as some do, including Nigel Harris in his new book Thinking The Unthinkable, that people should be free to migrate for work, just as capital and goods are supposedly free, and that decisions on whom to employ should be left to employers rather than determined by the state. If migrant workers do not have citizenship rights, they will constitute, as they now do, a threatened and precarious underclass, and they will be open to extreme forms of exploitation. Trade unions and all workers have an interest in supporting the rights of migrants, in order to prevent their own rights and working conditions being undermined (see above). New migrants need to have exactly the same rights as all others who are living and working in a particular country or area, whatever their nationality. A demand which is now widespread in France and other European countries is for citizenship based on residency, rather than on nationality. New migrants must have not only the right to work, but the right to join trade unions, to employment protection, to go on strike and to vote, and they must have full access to all the benefits enjoyed by other citizens, including health care, education, unemployment benefits and social security. They must not be threatened with deportation if they attempt to assert their rights. Finally, it remains true that whatever the economic rationale for securing a cheap and compliant workforce through ‘managed immigration’, ultimately immigration controls are explicable only by racism. If governments merely wanted a compliant workforce they could allow employers to make free use of the vast reservoir of labour which now exists in the world because of centuries of imperialist theft, as many employers in the United States and elsewhere urge. It is perhaps conceivable that immigration controls could disappear under capitalism (see for example pp. 152–5). Many disagree, believing that free movement of people will only become a political possibility once the capitalist expropriation of the wealth of the Third World, and the wars to enable this, end. But while the abolition of immigration controls
xxvi Open Borders may require a revolution, what is clear is that, as we said in our manifesto No One Is Illegal, to render them fair would require a miracle. There can be no such thing as fair or non-racist immigration controls. Immigration controls have their origins in racism, and they legitimate and breed racism (see Chapter 2 of this book). They are inherently discriminatory, since they exclude foreigners or outsiders. They need to be opposed in their totality. Teresa Hayter October 2003
Page 2 and 3: OPEN BORDERS The Case Against Immig
Page 4 and 5: CONTENTS Preface to the First Editi
Page 6 and 7: PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION This b
Page 8 and 9: PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION The f
Page 10 and 11: Preface to the Second Edition xi Th
Page 12 and 13: Preface to the Second Edition xiii
Page 14 and 15: Preface to the Second Edition xv An
Page 16 and 17: Preface to the Second Edition xvii
Page 18 and 19: Preface to the Second Edition xix o
Page 20 and 21: Preface to the Second Edition xxi a
Page 22 and 23: Preface to the Second Edition xxiii
Page 26 and 27: INTRODUCTION Human beings have migr
Page 28 and 29: Introduction 3 an orgy of ‘libera
Page 30 and 31: Introduction 5 of people coming fro
Page 32 and 33: Introduction 7 merely led to demand
Page 34 and 35: Migration, and Migratory Myths 9 fo
Page 36 and 37: Migration, and Migratory Myths 11 I
Page 38 and 39: Migration, and Migratory Myths 13 o
Page 40 and 41: Migration, and Migratory Myths 15 p
Page 42 and 43: Migration, and Migratory Myths 17 i
Page 44 and 45: Migration, and Migratory Myths 19 T
Page 46 and 47: 2 BORDER CONTROLS RACISM Many, prob
Page 48 and 49: Border Controls 23 Mrs Thatcher’s
Page 50 and 51: Border Controls 25 some 80,000 Prot
Page 52 and 53: Border Controls 27 be a blessing fo
Page 54 and 55: Border Controls 29 abilities or ski
Page 56 and 57: Border Controls 31 streets for fear
Page 58 and 59: Border Controls 33 MP for Dover had
Page 60 and 61: Border Controls 35 black people and
Page 62 and 63: Border Controls 37 efforts to contr
Page 64 and 65: Border Controls 39 more crucially,
Page 66 and 67: Border Controls 41 But Labour’s i
Page 68 and 69: Border Controls 43 Sir Edward Boyle
Page 70 and 71: Border Controls 45 when asked about
Page 72 and 73: Border Controls 47 Even, it was arg
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Border Controls 49 whelmingly as yo
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Border Controls 51 admission of stu
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Border Controls 53 middle class the
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Border Controls 55 the guestworker
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Border Controls 57 entitled only th
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Border Controls 59 detention centre
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Border Controls 61 Any Colombian, R
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Border Controls 63 The most substan
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Refugees: Tightening the Screw 65 l
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Refugees: Tightening the Screw 67 s
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Refugees: Tightening the Screw 69 d
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Refugees: Tightening the Screw 71 a
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Refugees: Tightening the Screw 73 o
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Refugees: Tightening the Screw 75 P
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Refugees: Tightening the Screw 97 5
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Refugees: Tightening the Screw 101
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Resistance 135 had made. Abdul then
Page 162 and 163:
Resistance 137 movement against rac
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Resistance 139 1994 by Sir William
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Resistance 141 In the 1950s and 196
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Resistance 143 have been many organ
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Resistance 145 victory and, some ar
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Resistance 147 • The arguments wh
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5 RE-OPEN THE BORDERS IMMIGRATION C
Page 176 and 177:
Re-open the Borders 151 comparable
Page 178 and 179:
Re-open the Borders 153 countries a
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Re-open the Borders 155 Hensman wro
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Re-open the Borders 157 maintain th
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Re-open the Borders 159 levels of i
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Re-open the Borders 161 IMMIGRATION
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Re-open the Borders 163 over £5,00
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Re-open the Borders 165 and the maf
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Re-open the Borders 167 goods and s
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Re-open the Borders 169 Subsequentl
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Re-open the Borders 171 public assi
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APPENDIX: MANIFESTO OF THE NO ONE I
Page 200 and 201:
Appendix 175 state. Under immigrati
Page 202 and 203:
Appendix 177 tions - that is the tr
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Appendix 179 Second, we are critica
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Appendix 181 and that both have a s
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Appendix 183 In France the sans-pap
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Bibliography 185 Cohen, S. (1988),
Page 212 and 213:
Bibliography 187 Kindleberger, C. P
Page 214 and 215:
ORGANISATIONS AND CAMPAIGNS Amnesty
Page 216 and 217:
Organisations and Campaigns 191 Imm
Page 218 and 219:
INDEX Abbott, Diane MP 85, 111 acco
Page 220 and 221:
Index 195 demonstrations/protests 2
Page 222 and 223:
Index 197 International Covenant on
Page 224 and 225:
Index 199 racist violence 24, 25, 2
Page 226:
Index 201 Women Against Rape (WAR)/
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