Open%20borders%20The%20case%20against%20immigration%20controls%20-%20Teresa%20Hayter
Open%20borders%20The%20case%20against%20immigration%20controls%20-%20Teresa%20Hayter
Open%20borders%20The%20case%20against%20immigration%20controls%20-%20Teresa%20Hayter
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18 Open Borders<br />
Pakistani communities often owed their origins to a tiny number of early pioneers.<br />
So strong was the process of chain migration that a population of several thousand<br />
could be derived from a very small number of kinship groups related to perhaps only<br />
a handful of villages. The original migrant would invariably have been financed by a<br />
group of close kin and when successful that migrant would have used his savings to<br />
help one of his close relatives to join him. They would soon be in a position to sponsor<br />
other members of their kinship group whom they would also help with jobs and<br />
accommodation on arrival. A study of the 2,000-strong Pakistani community in<br />
Oxford reveals that almost all the migrants there can be accounted for by just two<br />
chains, one of which began with a man who had settled in Glasgow during the Second<br />
World War.<br />
Asian immigration has been almost entirely from the Punjab and Gujarat in<br />
India and from half a dozen areas in Pakistan and Bangladesh. Four-fifths of<br />
the Indian migrants to Britain were Sikhs, mainly from two districts in East<br />
Punjab, Jullundur and Hoshiarpur. Sikhs have traditionally been highly<br />
mobile and form about a quarter of the Indian army. Some pressures to<br />
migrate resulted from partition, which meant that Sikhs and Hindus were<br />
driven out of the the rich wheat-producing farmland they had opened up in<br />
what became West Pakistan, and were forced to subsist on much smaller<br />
farms in East Punjab. Similarly, Gujaratis had a tradition of migration, in<br />
particular to East Africa; virtually all of the Gujarati migrants were literate<br />
and some were highly educated. The Pakistanis and Bangladeshis came<br />
mainly from relatively poor hill districts, from Mirpur and Sylhet respectively,<br />
and tended to be less literate. Communities originating in other parts of the<br />
world were built in similar ways. For example, over 90 per cent of the<br />
Moroccan community in Notting Hill in London, which is as large as the<br />
Caribbean community in this part of London, is from Larache, a small town<br />
in Morocco.<br />
Layton-Henry in The Politics of Immigration gives figures on immigration,<br />
derived from a House of Commons Library research paper published in 1976<br />
(see Table 1.2). Adding up the totals in the last column gives estimated net<br />
immigration from the new (or non-white) Commonwealth from 1953 to<br />
mid-1962 of nearly half a million people. The numbers dipped in the late<br />
1950s, when there were fewer jobs, and rose dramatically in the early 1960s<br />
to beat the expected immigration controls (see Chapter 2). After the 1962<br />
Commonwealth Immigrants Act, the numbers settling in Britain from the<br />
Caribbean and South Asia continued to rise, both because workers were at<br />
first admitted in larger numbers than had arrived spontaneously before the<br />
1961–62 bulge, and because family reunion was with difficulty allowed. By<br />
the late 1960s the black and Asian population had doubled to around 1<br />
million. The 1991 Population Census records that the ‘ethnic minority’<br />
population (which it defines as non-Europeans, in other words people who,<br />
while constituting a majority worldwide, are mostly not white) was about 3<br />
million, or 5.5 per cent of the total population.