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18 Open Borders<br />

Pakistani communities often owed their origins to a tiny number of early pioneers.<br />

So strong was the process of chain migration that a population of several thousand<br />

could be derived from a very small number of kinship groups related to perhaps only<br />

a handful of villages. The original migrant would invariably have been financed by a<br />

group of close kin and when successful that migrant would have used his savings to<br />

help one of his close relatives to join him. They would soon be in a position to sponsor<br />

other members of their kinship group whom they would also help with jobs and<br />

accommodation on arrival. A study of the 2,000-strong Pakistani community in<br />

Oxford reveals that almost all the migrants there can be accounted for by just two<br />

chains, one of which began with a man who had settled in Glasgow during the Second<br />

World War.<br />

Asian immigration has been almost entirely from the Punjab and Gujarat in<br />

India and from half a dozen areas in Pakistan and Bangladesh. Four-fifths of<br />

the Indian migrants to Britain were Sikhs, mainly from two districts in East<br />

Punjab, Jullundur and Hoshiarpur. Sikhs have traditionally been highly<br />

mobile and form about a quarter of the Indian army. Some pressures to<br />

migrate resulted from partition, which meant that Sikhs and Hindus were<br />

driven out of the the rich wheat-producing farmland they had opened up in<br />

what became West Pakistan, and were forced to subsist on much smaller<br />

farms in East Punjab. Similarly, Gujaratis had a tradition of migration, in<br />

particular to East Africa; virtually all of the Gujarati migrants were literate<br />

and some were highly educated. The Pakistanis and Bangladeshis came<br />

mainly from relatively poor hill districts, from Mirpur and Sylhet respectively,<br />

and tended to be less literate. Communities originating in other parts of the<br />

world were built in similar ways. For example, over 90 per cent of the<br />

Moroccan community in Notting Hill in London, which is as large as the<br />

Caribbean community in this part of London, is from Larache, a small town<br />

in Morocco.<br />

Layton-Henry in The Politics of Immigration gives figures on immigration,<br />

derived from a House of Commons Library research paper published in 1976<br />

(see Table 1.2). Adding up the totals in the last column gives estimated net<br />

immigration from the new (or non-white) Commonwealth from 1953 to<br />

mid-1962 of nearly half a million people. The numbers dipped in the late<br />

1950s, when there were fewer jobs, and rose dramatically in the early 1960s<br />

to beat the expected immigration controls (see Chapter 2). After the 1962<br />

Commonwealth Immigrants Act, the numbers settling in Britain from the<br />

Caribbean and South Asia continued to rise, both because workers were at<br />

first admitted in larger numbers than had arrived spontaneously before the<br />

1961–62 bulge, and because family reunion was with difficulty allowed. By<br />

the late 1960s the black and Asian population had doubled to around 1<br />

million. The 1991 Population Census records that the ‘ethnic minority’<br />

population (which it defines as non-Europeans, in other words people who,<br />

while constituting a majority worldwide, are mostly not white) was about 3<br />

million, or 5.5 per cent of the total population.

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