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Adverbial and Argument-Doubling Clauses in Cree - MSpace

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<strong>Adverbial</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Argument</strong>-<strong>Doubl<strong>in</strong>g</strong> <strong>Clauses</strong> <strong>in</strong> Cm<br />

Introduction<br />

1.1 Introduction<br />

This thesis is concemed with the treatment of subord<strong>in</strong>ate clauses <strong>in</strong> <strong>Cree</strong>, a Pronom<strong>in</strong>al<br />

<strong>Argument</strong> language. Primarily, I account for the dist<strong>in</strong>ction between adjunct-like <strong>and</strong><br />

complement-like clauses, <strong>in</strong> a way which is not based upon their structural position.<br />

In configurational languages like English <strong>and</strong> French, complement <strong>and</strong> adjunct<br />

clauses are differentiated by the structural position they hold <strong>in</strong> the sentence. Complement<br />

clauses are situated <strong>in</strong> argument positions, while adjunct clauses are <strong>in</strong> non-argument<br />

positions. Pronom<strong>in</strong>al <strong>Argument</strong> languages, however, cannot be expla<strong>in</strong>ed by a sirnilar<br />

treatment. <strong>Argument</strong> positions <strong>in</strong> these languages are found <strong>in</strong>side the verbal cornplex <strong>and</strong><br />

are filled by pronom<strong>in</strong>al arguments. This leaves no argument position outside the verbal<br />

complex accessible to Noun Phrases (NPs) or subord<strong>in</strong>ate clauses. Given the theoretical<br />

implications of such a structure, we would expect only one type of subord<strong>in</strong>ate clause <strong>in</strong> a<br />

Pronom<strong>in</strong>al <strong>Argument</strong> (PA) language, an adjunct or non-argumental clause. These<br />

languages should lack complement clauses.<br />

There is evidence <strong>in</strong> <strong>Cree</strong>, however, which <strong>in</strong>dicates that there are at least two<br />

types of subord<strong>in</strong>ate clauses. One of these types clearly demonstrates complement-like<br />

behaviour, while the other shows adjunct-like behaviour. This evidence <strong>in</strong>cludes<br />

restrictions on obviation status. <strong>in</strong> particuiar, on proximate re-assignrnent between clauses.<br />

Our goal is to account for this dist<strong>in</strong>ction while recogniz<strong>in</strong>g that both clauses are found <strong>in</strong><br />

non-argumental position.

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