Adverbial and Argument-Doubling Clauses in Cree - MSpace

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argument in the matrk verbal complex forms a chah with the NP containing the A- doubling clause. (87) matrix verbal comdex [CP proi-v-proj I I Lj I A-doublina clause [CP prq-v 1 1 I have already demonstrated, in section 3.3.3.1, examples (40 and 41), that the verbal rnorphology of a matrix verb is identicai whether it occurs with an A-doubling NP or clause. If we daim that A-doubling clauses are situated inside a containing NP, the identical agreement rnorphology is not surprising. The pronominal argument is always doubled by an NP. This analysis receives support fiom a treatment that has been proposed by Reinholtz and Russell ( 1995) for Wh-questions, which we discussed previously in section 3.3.3.1.3, and review again in the next section. 5.4.1 Evidence from W hQuestions In the treatment of Wh-questions, there is a clear case to be made for relativization being involved. Wh-questions consist of an initial wh-phrase and a conjunct verb. Independent fonns of the verb are disailowed, which shows us that the clause is subordinate. To demonstrate this subordinate status, we will look again at example (36) fiom section 3.3.3, renumbered here as (88). (88b) in this example shows that a verb in the independent order, in common in matrk, declarative clauses, is ungrammatical in a Wh-question. (88) a. ch kiskênimêw awêna kii-sipwêhtêait. John know.TA-(33') who cj-leave.AI-3' 'John knows who lefi.'
. * c h kiskênimêw awêna sipwêbtêniwr. John know . TA43 -3') who 1eave.Al-3' 'John knows who left. '(independent subordinate V) 0s) The standard analysis for rnatrix Wh-questions is a cleft construction consisting of a Wh-nominal and a subordinate clause. Specifically, the subordinate clause is a relative clause. (cf Reinholtz and Russell 1995, Blain 1997) . (89) Plains Cree awina ana Mary kâ-wâpamât]. who that .one Mary-3 cj-see.TA-(3 -3') 'Who is it [that Mary saw]?' Here. in (89) the Wh-phrase mviniwn 'who' precedes a deictic nominal ana 'that one'. This is followed by a relative clause mériy k.wûpumât 'that Mary saw'. Matrix Wh-questions and A-doubling Wh-questions have the same kind of structure. Both of these sentences consist of a clause-initial Wh-phrase and a relative clause. (90) Swam~v Cree a.. awhi [, [, Op, proi-lrâ-sipwêhtêt]]? who cj-leave. AI-3 'Who is it that left?' 'Who lefi?' b. proi-nikiskênimâw-proj awênpi [, Opi proj-M-sipwêhtêt]]. 1-know.TA-(1-3) who cj-1eave.AI-3 , '1 lcnow (him) who (it is) that lefi.' '1 know who left.'
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Adverbial and Argument-Doubling Cla
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THE IJNnmuTTYOF MANITOBA FACULTY OF
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Acknowledgemenfs This thesis would
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Notations Abbreviations and Soeciai
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Adverbial and Argument-Doubling Cla
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This treatment of subordinate claus
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(1 ) Proto-Algonquian */nila/ '1' P
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(3) a. Italian: Ha parlato. [CP[3*e
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two NPs) can be expressed with ody
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In Cree, however, there is evidence
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imponantly for our purposes, he rec
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pronominal arguments whenever NPs w
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clauses are in non-argument positio
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to the MVC. The CO-indexing relatio
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would not be any such role for a CP
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However, an examination of the subo
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Hale concluded that the difference
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pronominal clitics were never bound
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Jelinek's analysis did not provide
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theory dong the way. For some prono
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In English, the subject cc-comrnand
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presented above, NPs are situated i
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(24) a. Independent: niwâpamâw c
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Le-, more prominent in the discours
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see.TA-(3-31) buffalo, f ' 'He saw
Page 52 and 53:
- Source b. . ., kâ-wâpamât awa
Page 54 and 55: . pêmohtêyâhk cj. walk-along. AI
Page 56 and 57: syntactic relationship to the matri
Page 58 and 59: complement-like interpretation. The
Page 60 and 61: that A-doubling clauses also occupy
Page 62 and 63: as dernonstrated in (44). The NP an
Page 64 and 65: 3.3.3.1.2 Declarative Argument-Dou
Page 66 and 67: to-object does not appear to be fre
Page 68 and 69: This shows that these wh-clauses ar
Page 70 and 71: examinhg how they behave with diffe
Page 72 and 73: semantic relation, namely constnial
Page 74 and 75: In example (62) below, we see extra
Page 76 and 77: If an NP is in an adverbial clause,
Page 78 and 79: -linking relationship between A-dou
Page 80 and 81: that its value is not inherent in t
Page 82 and 83: the verbal morphology. In the examp
Page 84 and 85: younger sister, is proximate. This
Page 86 and 87: 4.3 Proximatt Sbifts Given more tha
Page 88 and 89: (76) kîwêw mistanask; kostêw wak
Page 90 and 91: (77) êkosi êkwah sipwêhtêw. so
Page 92 and 93: Some examples of complex sentences
Page 94 and 95: cân kiskènimêw tânitê mêrîwa
Page 96 and 97: Chapter 5 An Analysis of Adverbial
Page 98 and 99: pronominals within the verbal cornp
Page 100 and 101: discourse prominence of each partic
Page 102 and 103: In Example (86) below, even though
Page 106 and 107: Example (90) demonstrates that a Wh
Page 108 and 109: nominal matenal at al. The NP may c
Page 110 and 111: (95) prq-nikiskênimâw-proJ Lw aw
Page 112 and 113: eading even ifit does not contain a
Page 114 and 115: 5.4.4 Chains and Domains The CO-ind
Page 116 and 117: see. TI-(3-i11an) cj-horse. fmt. AM
Page 118 and 119: doubling clauses, and therefore, fo
Page 120 and 121: (107) ( kêtahtawê pr~~kiskêyhtam
Page 122 and 123: have the same obviation status. An
Page 124 and 125: Lastly, we can consider an adverbia
Page 126 and 127: Chapter 6 Conclusion and Further Co
Page 128 and 129: above, this analysis accounts for t
Page 130 and 131: includes the matrix clause. Without
Page 132 and 133: argument r-linked to the containing
Page 134 and 135: have subordinate clauses which refl
Page 136 and 137: Ellis, C. Douglas. 1983. Spken Cree
Page 138: Tomlin, Russ, and Richard Rhodes. 1
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Adverbial and Argument-Doubling Clauses in Cree - MSpace

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