Adverbial and Argument-Doubling Clauses in Cree - MSpace

(3) a. Italian: Ha parlato.
[CP[3*eol[wha ~arlatol1
has-3sg spoken
'He has spoken.'
b. Cree: pikiskwêw.
[CP IF r YP E2l pîkiskdw 111
speak-AL3
'He speaksfhas spoken' .
If we examine the Italian and Cree sentences in (3), we see that they share the
ability to have non-overtpro's as arguments. By comparing the positioning ofpro in the
two sentences, we cm see that in the Italian example, pro is situated in a structural
position outside of VP. The Cree sentence haspro situated inside the verbal complex. In
both italian and Cree, pro receives the appropriate theta-role from the verb, thus satisfjing
the theta-criterion. The principal diference between pro in these languages is its
positioning relative to the verbal complex.
Overt NPs conesponding to central argument roles, i.e. subject or object, are
optional in Cree. Because the thematic roles for the core arguments are assigned to pros
inside the verb, NPs are not structurally necessary as subject or object. Furthemore,
because argument status is assigned within the verbal complex, NPs are relegated to nonargument
positions. When an NP occurs, and refers to the same referent as one of the
pronominal arguments, it is co-indexed to the appropriate pro through referential-linking.
We will discuss referential linking in greater detail in a later chapter.
Because the structural position of fil1 NPs does not indicate thematic role,
constituent order in Cree is largely irrelevant to thematic relations. In (4), the various