Adverbial and Argument-Doubling Clauses in Cree - MSpace

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(77) êkosi êkwah sipwêhtêw. so then set.out.AI-3 ' So he (prox) set out. (~1~sahkêcâhk)' êh-pîhtokêt, 1) wêmistikôsiw awah omis îtêw: cj-enter.AI-3 Frenchman-3 this thus say.thus.to.s.o.TA-(3-3') ' When he(promAsahkêcâhk) entered, the Frenchman(prox) said:. . ' (S:3O- 1 3) Example (78) below also shows this pattern. In this example, there is a shifi from the proximate referent wâkay0s 'bear' to ayisiyinb 'man'. The first line clearly shows that, initially, the bear is proximate. The A-doubling noun is unmarked, it occurs with the demonstrative awa, and the verbal inflection on kostêw 'he(prox) fears hirn(obv)' shows a transitive animate verb, with a proximate subject and an obviaiive object. In the second Iine, the argument refemng to the bear is stili proximate in the subordinate clause, ê-wih- tapasir 'when he(prox) tried to escape.' In the matrix clause, however, the proximate role is re-assigned to the argument refemng to the man. This is indicated by the unmarked form of the A-doubling NP ayi3iyi11irv 'man', the occurrence of ma and the singular proximate subject inflection of the verb, III(~.F~~CIL~W&V 'he(prox) attacks him(obv)'. (78) êwakô êokonih kostèw awa wàkayôs. this-3 this -3' fear.TA-(3-3') this bear-3 'The bear(prox) was afiaid of this one(obv).' é-wîh-t apasit , II môskîstawêw aw ayîsiyiniw . cj-int-flee.AI-3 attack.TA-(3-3') this person-3 'When it[bear](prox) trîed to escape, the man(prox) attacked it(obv). ' (P: i 50- 15) So, we see that the relationship between adverbial clauses and matnx verbs is just like one between separate sentences in terms of proximate shifis. There is no dependent
elationship between the arguments of the matrlv and subordinate clause. Each occurs independently of the other in tenns of reference. There is no CO-indexation betwem the clauses. The arguments in each verb, main and subordinate, are tiee of one another. This means that a speaker can re-assign proximate status to a new referent between the adverbial and matrix clauses. 4.3.3 Between a Matrix Clause and an Argument-Doubling Clause We tum now to A-doubiing clauses. I have proposed that these clauses appear with transitive verbs and are rerniniscent of what we would cal1 a complement clause in English. Technically, of course, these clauses cannot be true complement clauses, as they are not arguments of the verb. As 1 have discussed at length already, Cree is a pronominal argument laquage, and as such, its arguments are found within the verbal cornplex. There are no argument positions for a clause to occupy. Argument-doubling clauses occur with both TI and TA matrix verbs. Because A- doubiing clauses are 'doubling' an argument of the matrix verb, there is a dependent relationship between the two clauses. The A-doubling clause and the pronominal argument form a chah, and thus have identical features.j9 It is not surprising, then, that proximate shifts are found between a matrix clause and an A-doubiiq clause. The obviation status of a referent has to be the same in each clause. 39 The notion of c hah wiIl be discussed in detail in chapter five.
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Adverbial and Argument-Doubling Cla
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THE IJNnmuTTYOF MANITOBA FACULTY OF
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Acknowledgemenfs This thesis would
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Notations Abbreviations and Soeciai
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Adverbial and Argument-Doubling Cla
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This treatment of subordinate claus
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(1 ) Proto-Algonquian */nila/ '1' P
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(3) a. Italian: Ha parlato. [CP[3*e
Page 18 and 19:
two NPs) can be expressed with ody
Page 20 and 21:
In Cree, however, there is evidence
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imponantly for our purposes, he rec
Page 24 and 25:
pronominal arguments whenever NPs w
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clauses are in non-argument positio
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to the MVC. The CO-indexing relatio
Page 30 and 31:
would not be any such role for a CP
Page 32 and 33:
However, an examination of the subo
Page 34 and 35:
Hale concluded that the difference
Page 36 and 37:
pronominal clitics were never bound
Page 38 and 39:
Jelinek's analysis did not provide
Page 40 and 41: theory dong the way. For some prono
Page 42 and 43: In English, the subject cc-comrnand
Page 44 and 45: presented above, NPs are situated i
Page 46 and 47: (24) a. Independent: niwâpamâw c
Page 48 and 49: Le-, more prominent in the discours
Page 50 and 51: see.TA-(3-31) buffalo, f ' 'He saw
Page 52 and 53: - Source b. . ., kâ-wâpamât awa
Page 54 and 55: . pêmohtêyâhk cj. walk-along. AI
Page 56 and 57: syntactic relationship to the matri
Page 58 and 59: complement-like interpretation. The
Page 60 and 61: that A-doubling clauses also occupy
Page 62 and 63: as dernonstrated in (44). The NP an
Page 64 and 65: 3.3.3.1.2 Declarative Argument-Dou
Page 66 and 67: to-object does not appear to be fre
Page 68 and 69: This shows that these wh-clauses ar
Page 70 and 71: examinhg how they behave with diffe
Page 72 and 73: semantic relation, namely constnial
Page 74 and 75: In example (62) below, we see extra
Page 76 and 77: If an NP is in an adverbial clause,
Page 78 and 79: -linking relationship between A-dou
Page 80 and 81: that its value is not inherent in t
Page 82 and 83: the verbal morphology. In the examp
Page 84 and 85: younger sister, is proximate. This
Page 86 and 87: 4.3 Proximatt Sbifts Given more tha
Page 88 and 89: (76) kîwêw mistanask; kostêw wak
Page 92 and 93: Some examples of complex sentences
Page 94 and 95: cân kiskènimêw tânitê mêrîwa
Page 96 and 97: Chapter 5 An Analysis of Adverbial
Page 98 and 99: pronominals within the verbal cornp
Page 100 and 101: discourse prominence of each partic
Page 102 and 103: In Example (86) below, even though
Page 104 and 105: argument in the matrk verbal comple
Page 106 and 107: Example (90) demonstrates that a Wh
Page 108 and 109: nominal matenal at al. The NP may c
Page 110 and 111: (95) prq-nikiskênimâw-proJ Lw aw
Page 112 and 113: eading even ifit does not contain a
Page 114 and 115: 5.4.4 Chains and Domains The CO-ind
Page 116 and 117: see. TI-(3-i11an) cj-horse. fmt. AM
Page 118 and 119: doubling clauses, and therefore, fo
Page 120 and 121: (107) ( kêtahtawê pr~~kiskêyhtam
Page 122 and 123: have the same obviation status. An
Page 124 and 125: Lastly, we can consider an adverbia
Page 126 and 127: Chapter 6 Conclusion and Further Co
Page 128 and 129: above, this analysis accounts for t
Page 130 and 131: includes the matrix clause. Without
Page 132 and 133: argument r-linked to the containing
Page 134 and 135: have subordinate clauses which refl
Page 136 and 137: Ellis, C. Douglas. 1983. Spken Cree
Page 138: Tomlin, Russ, and Richard Rhodes. 1
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