Adverbial and Argument-Doubling Clauses in Cree - MSpace

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Example (90) demonstrates that a Wh-question has the same structure either as a matrix clause or a subordinate clause. A &fi-construction treatment of A-doubling Whclauses solves a probiem mentioned in section 5.4. There we said that we had no way to link an A-doubling clause (as a CP) to a pronominal argument within the matrix verb. We claimed this because we cannot co-index constituents that belong to different categories (the pro being an NP, and the clause a CP). Under a relative clause analysis however, coindexation is possible. The cleft structure of A-doubling Wh-clauses provides a nominal to co-index with apro in the matrix clause. In fact, the whole A-doubling Wh-clause is an NP, consisting of a relative clause (the subordinate clause itself) and the containing NP constituent. Now we can link an NP (which contains the A-doubling clause) to a matrix pro. An example of a representation of this proposal is given below in (91). The object pronominal argument in the matrix clause is co-indexed with the NP which contains the A- doubling Wh-clause. This co-indexation is indicated by a subscripted 'j' on each constituent. (9 1) cân proi-kiskênimêw-pro, [w awêna [, [, Opj proj-kâ-sipwéhtènit]]. John know.s.o.TA-(3-3;) who cj-leave. AM) 'John knows (him,] [whoj lefi].' 'John knows (him), who (it is that) lefi.' If we were to extend this analysis to al1 A-doubling clauses, we would find a way to link al1 of these clauses with one of the pronominal arguments inside the rnatrix verb. The non-Wh-clauses would simply not have a Wh-phrase, but would have be situated
inside a containhg NP al1 the same. The containing NP could include oven material, such as an NP or a deteminer such as mua 'this', or it may include no overt noMnais (Le., the 'head' of the relative clause would be null) . Ifthere were no overt noMnal materid, we would assume that there is a nul1 pro in the head position* that was linked to one of the pronominal arguments in the matrix verbal cornplex. We will look at this structure in greater detail in section 5.4.3, but first, we will take a closer look at Cree relative clauses. 5.4.2 Relative Clauses Before we proceed with the proposed analysis for Cree A-doubling clauses, 1 would like to briefly review Cree relative clauses. These clauses illustrate how an NP, which contains a subordinate clause, can be linked to a pronominal argument in the matrix verb. The NP which contains the relative clause can also include a full NP, a demonstrative or no overt Baker (1996) describes a similar idea for 'pseudo-nominals'. Pseudo-norninals are verbal forms that receive a nominal interpmation. He claims that this phenomenon is quite common in polysynthetic Ianguages (see Baker 1996: 166 for references regarding such languages). He describes these pseudonominals as ideniical in structure to relative clauses. Mng properties of wh-movement. except that the relative operator is phonologically null (Mohawk has an overt relative operator rsi ni&' -whichV). He does not daim that this relative clause is embedded inside an NP which has a nul1 head. He acknowledges that this is a passible structure. where the nul1 head of a full NP could be a pro, which is licensed by king Iinked to a position which is govemed by agreement. He docs not see. however, any remn to posit the containing NP. 1 propose that the class of nominalized verbai constructions, which demonstrate similar structure to relative clauses, can k extended to include argumentdoubling clauses. We have almdy d i d how whquestions, both matrix and subordinate, have a relative clause stmcture, and how this can be extcnded to include al1 Adoubling clauses as well (not just whclauses). Udike Baker, howewr. 1 propose that there is reason to place the nominalized verbal construction inside a containing NP. The most important differentiating factor benNeen my daim and Baker's. is that he places Adoubling clauses (which he calls cornplernents) in argument positions, while 1 place them in non-argumental positions. Because these clauses cannot receive their 'argumental' khaviour and interpretation by king tituateâ in an A-position. they mun be refenntially-linkcd to a pronominal argument which is in an argument position mis linking is facilitated by placing the clause inside of a containing NP. This NP an k CO-indexed to the matrixpro, as it is of the same Iesical category as the argument, where the subordinate clause (CP) is not.
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Adverbial and Argument-Doubling Cla
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THE IJNnmuTTYOF MANITOBA FACULTY OF
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Acknowledgemenfs This thesis would
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Notations Abbreviations and Soeciai
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Adverbial and Argument-Doubling Cla
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This treatment of subordinate claus
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(1 ) Proto-Algonquian */nila/ '1' P
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(3) a. Italian: Ha parlato. [CP[3*e
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two NPs) can be expressed with ody
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In Cree, however, there is evidence
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imponantly for our purposes, he rec
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pronominal arguments whenever NPs w
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clauses are in non-argument positio
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to the MVC. The CO-indexing relatio
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would not be any such role for a CP
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However, an examination of the subo
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Hale concluded that the difference
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pronominal clitics were never bound
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Jelinek's analysis did not provide
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theory dong the way. For some prono
Page 42 and 43:
In English, the subject cc-comrnand
Page 44 and 45:
presented above, NPs are situated i
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(24) a. Independent: niwâpamâw c
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Le-, more prominent in the discours
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see.TA-(3-31) buffalo, f ' 'He saw
Page 52 and 53:
- Source b. . ., kâ-wâpamât awa
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. pêmohtêyâhk cj. walk-along. AI
Page 56 and 57: syntactic relationship to the matri
Page 58 and 59: complement-like interpretation. The
Page 60 and 61: that A-doubling clauses also occupy
Page 62 and 63: as dernonstrated in (44). The NP an
Page 64 and 65: 3.3.3.1.2 Declarative Argument-Dou
Page 66 and 67: to-object does not appear to be fre
Page 68 and 69: This shows that these wh-clauses ar
Page 70 and 71: examinhg how they behave with diffe
Page 72 and 73: semantic relation, namely constnial
Page 74 and 75: In example (62) below, we see extra
Page 76 and 77: If an NP is in an adverbial clause,
Page 78 and 79: -linking relationship between A-dou
Page 80 and 81: that its value is not inherent in t
Page 82 and 83: the verbal morphology. In the examp
Page 84 and 85: younger sister, is proximate. This
Page 86 and 87: 4.3 Proximatt Sbifts Given more tha
Page 88 and 89: (76) kîwêw mistanask; kostêw wak
Page 90 and 91: (77) êkosi êkwah sipwêhtêw. so
Page 92 and 93: Some examples of complex sentences
Page 94 and 95: cân kiskènimêw tânitê mêrîwa
Page 96 and 97: Chapter 5 An Analysis of Adverbial
Page 98 and 99: pronominals within the verbal cornp
Page 100 and 101: discourse prominence of each partic
Page 102 and 103: In Example (86) below, even though
Page 104 and 105: argument in the matrk verbal comple
Page 108 and 109: nominal matenal at al. The NP may c
Page 110 and 111: (95) prq-nikiskênimâw-proJ Lw aw
Page 112 and 113: eading even ifit does not contain a
Page 114 and 115: 5.4.4 Chains and Domains The CO-ind
Page 116 and 117: see. TI-(3-i11an) cj-horse. fmt. AM
Page 118 and 119: doubling clauses, and therefore, fo
Page 120 and 121: (107) ( kêtahtawê pr~~kiskêyhtam
Page 122 and 123: have the same obviation status. An
Page 124 and 125: Lastly, we can consider an adverbia
Page 126 and 127: Chapter 6 Conclusion and Further Co
Page 128 and 129: above, this analysis accounts for t
Page 130 and 131: includes the matrix clause. Without
Page 132 and 133: argument r-linked to the containing
Page 134 and 135: have subordinate clauses which refl
Page 136 and 137: Ellis, C. Douglas. 1983. Spken Cree
Page 138: Tomlin, Russ, and Richard Rhodes. 1
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