Adverbial and Argument-Doubling Clauses in Cree - MSpace

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In English, the subject cc-comrnands the object, but not vice versa. Thus, while the English translation of(20a) is acceptable, exarnple (20b) is not. In (20a), the proper name is embedded inside the NP, so it does not c-command into the VP where the pronoun lies. The proper name in the subject can be CO-referential with the pronoun object without a violation of Principal C. In (20b) however, the pronoun subject binds the proper name contained within the object NP. This results in a Principle C violation, because the refemng expression, the proper name, is not fiee. It is bound by the pronoun. In Cree, however, both (20a) and (20b) are grammatical. The pronominal arguments are contained within the inflected verb form and therefore do not c-command anything outside the inflected verb. Hence the grammaticality of (20b). The PAH has undergone some other modifications in recent years. initially, any language said to be noncontigurational was assumed to have a flat, non-hierarchical structure. But, as Russell and Reinholtz (1995) show, the absence of argument positions for NPs does not necessitate an absence of hierarchical structure. Rather, they have shown that Cree, for exarnple, does have a hierarchically-organized clause structure, organized in ternis of the functional categories of Focus and Topic. This provides a discoursernotivated structure in Cree, following the lines of information distribution typical of Algonquian languages, where new or focussed information tends to occur in a pre-verbal position, and old or thematic information typically follows the verb (cf Tomlin and Rhodes 1979). The optional, non-argumental M?s occupy positions in FocP or TopP, either as the specifier of the FocP for focussed nouns, or in the complement position of the TopP. The verbal cornplex, which consists of the verb stem, agreement morphology, and
aspect markers, conjunct markers, preverbs, etc.- if they occur- is situateci in the specifier position of the TopP. A diagram of this structure is given below in (21a) and an example wit h a Cree sentence in (2 1 b) . (21) a. FocP n NP Foc' fi Foc TopP A FocP A Foc' A Foc TopP A Top' A ch proi-wâpahtam-pro, cimh. JO hn-3 see-TI-(3 -inan) boat-M 'John saw a boat. ' This section has provided an oveMew of the PAH, fiom its original version to some of the most recent modifications. For Cree, 1 will adopt many of these recent changes. Like Hale and Jelinek, 1 assert that NPs are not in argument positions. I will soften the daim over their position, however, by situating them in non-~rpment position, rather than calling them a~wicts. Based on the research by Russel! and Reinholtz (1995)
Page 1 and 2: Adverbial and Argument-Doubling Cla
Page 3 and 4: THE IJNnmuTTYOF MANITOBA FACULTY OF
Page 5: Acknowledgemenfs This thesis would
Page 8 and 9: Notations Abbreviations and Soeciai
Page 10 and 11: Adverbial and Argument-Doubling Cla
Page 12 and 13: This treatment of subordinate claus
Page 14 and 15: (1 ) Proto-Algonquian */nila/ '1' P
Page 16 and 17: (3) a. Italian: Ha parlato. [CP[3*e
Page 18 and 19: two NPs) can be expressed with ody
Page 20 and 21: In Cree, however, there is evidence
Page 22 and 23: imponantly for our purposes, he rec
Page 24 and 25: pronominal arguments whenever NPs w
Page 26 and 27: clauses are in non-argument positio
Page 28 and 29: to the MVC. The CO-indexing relatio
Page 30 and 31: would not be any such role for a CP
Page 32 and 33: However, an examination of the subo
Page 34 and 35: Hale concluded that the difference
Page 36 and 37: pronominal clitics were never bound
Page 38 and 39: Jelinek's analysis did not provide
Page 40 and 41: theory dong the way. For some prono
Page 44 and 45: presented above, NPs are situated i
Page 46 and 47: (24) a. Independent: niwâpamâw c
Page 48 and 49: Le-, more prominent in the discours
Page 50 and 51: see.TA-(3-31) buffalo, f ' 'He saw
Page 52 and 53: - Source b. . ., kâ-wâpamât awa
Page 54 and 55: . pêmohtêyâhk cj. walk-along. AI
Page 56 and 57: syntactic relationship to the matri
Page 58 and 59: complement-like interpretation. The
Page 60 and 61: that A-doubling clauses also occupy
Page 62 and 63: as dernonstrated in (44). The NP an
Page 64 and 65: 3.3.3.1.2 Declarative Argument-Dou
Page 66 and 67: to-object does not appear to be fre
Page 68 and 69: This shows that these wh-clauses ar
Page 70 and 71: examinhg how they behave with diffe
Page 72 and 73: semantic relation, namely constnial
Page 74 and 75: In example (62) below, we see extra
Page 76 and 77: If an NP is in an adverbial clause,
Page 78 and 79: -linking relationship between A-dou
Page 80 and 81: that its value is not inherent in t
Page 82 and 83: the verbal morphology. In the examp
Page 84 and 85: younger sister, is proximate. This
Page 86 and 87: 4.3 Proximatt Sbifts Given more tha
Page 88 and 89: (76) kîwêw mistanask; kostêw wak
Page 90 and 91: (77) êkosi êkwah sipwêhtêw. so
Page 92 and 93:
Some examples of complex sentences
Page 94 and 95:
cân kiskènimêw tânitê mêrîwa
Page 96 and 97:
Chapter 5 An Analysis of Adverbial
Page 98 and 99:
pronominals within the verbal cornp
Page 100 and 101:
discourse prominence of each partic
Page 102 and 103:
In Example (86) below, even though
Page 104 and 105:
argument in the matrk verbal comple
Page 106 and 107:
Example (90) demonstrates that a Wh
Page 108 and 109:
nominal matenal at al. The NP may c
Page 110 and 111:
(95) prq-nikiskênimâw-proJ Lw aw
Page 112 and 113:
eading even ifit does not contain a
Page 114 and 115:
5.4.4 Chains and Domains The CO-ind
Page 116 and 117:
see. TI-(3-i11an) cj-horse. fmt. AM
Page 118 and 119:
doubling clauses, and therefore, fo
Page 120 and 121:
(107) ( kêtahtawê pr~~kiskêyhtam
Page 122 and 123:
have the same obviation status. An
Page 124 and 125:
Lastly, we can consider an adverbia
Page 126 and 127:
Chapter 6 Conclusion and Further Co
Page 128 and 129:
above, this analysis accounts for t
Page 130 and 131:
includes the matrix clause. Without
Page 132 and 133:
argument r-linked to the containing
Page 134 and 135:
have subordinate clauses which refl
Page 136 and 137:
Ellis, C. Douglas. 1983. Spken Cree
Page 138:
Tomlin, Russ, and Richard Rhodes. 1
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