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Adverbial and Argument-Doubling Clauses in Cree - MSpace

Adverbial and Argument-Doubling Clauses in Cree - MSpace

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<strong>in</strong> some A-doubl<strong>in</strong>g clauses, but not <strong>in</strong> adverbial clauses? Ifan NP conta<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g a<br />

determ<strong>in</strong>er is found <strong>in</strong> a (non-Wh-) argument-doubl<strong>in</strong>g clause, the determ<strong>in</strong>er cm be<br />

extracted out of the subordhate clause <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong>to a sentence-<strong>in</strong>itial position of the ma<strong>in</strong><br />

clause. This is illustrated <strong>in</strong> (64) <strong>and</strong> (65). In both sentences. the detem<strong>in</strong>er nîso 'two' is<br />

fronted out of the A-doubi<strong>in</strong>g clause.<br />

(64) a. nikiskênihtên 6-atâwêt'" càn nîso astot<strong>in</strong>a.<br />

know. TI+ -<strong>in</strong>an) cj-buy..41-3 John-3 two hat-3'<br />

'1 know that John bousht two hats.'<br />

b. nîso nikiskênihtên 6-atâwêt ci<strong>in</strong> astot<strong>in</strong>a.<br />

two know.Tb( 1 -<strong>in</strong>an) cj-buy.AI-3 John-3 hat -3'<br />

'1 know that John bought two hats.'<br />

(65) a. c h wâpamêw ê-sipwêhtênit niso nâpêwa.<br />

John-3 see. TA-(3-3') cj-leave. AI-3' two mana'<br />

'John saw two men leave.'<br />

b. niso cân wâpamêw ê-sipwêhtênit nâpêwr.<br />

two John-3 see.TA-(3 -3') cj-1eave.M-3' man -3'<br />

'John saw two men leave.'<br />

Extraction is not a def<strong>in</strong>itive test of A-doubl<strong>in</strong>g status. Not al1 Adoubl<strong>in</strong>g clauses can have a<br />

constituent exmcted. For example, Adoubl<strong>in</strong>g Whçlauses usually show a Wh-isl<strong>and</strong> effect. Le..<br />

extraction is not possible. However, e~rnction is discussed here, because it is a phenornenon that does<br />

illustrate d<strong>in</strong>er<strong>in</strong>g behaviour of Adoubl<strong>in</strong>g <strong>and</strong> adverbial clauses, a dist<strong>in</strong>ction thût mimics the behaviour<br />

of A-doubl<strong>in</strong>g <strong>and</strong> oblique NPs.<br />

This is an <strong>in</strong>terest<strong>in</strong>g verb. ntûwê- 'to buy it/him' is morphologically classified as an animate<br />

<strong>in</strong>transitive veh. It occurs, however, with an NP that appears to refIect the d e of theme, even though<br />

there is no direct objectpro identified <strong>in</strong> the verbal morphology. At this poUii- 1 cannot provide an<br />

explanation for this type of verb. Al1 1 can assume for the marnent is chat there is an <strong>in</strong>herent theme<br />

argument <strong>in</strong> the verbal stem, which is not identified thniugh the verbal <strong>in</strong>fieetion. For more <strong>in</strong>formation<br />

on this topic. cf Wolfm ( 1999).

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