Adverbial and Argument-Doubling Clauses in Cree - MSpace

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(1 ) Proto-Algonquian */nila/ '1' Plains Cree Swarnpy Cree Woods Cree Moose Cree Myd lnînal Inlaal /nîîa/ Cree is a Pronominal Argument (PA) language. The definition of a PA language is essentially concerned with the treatment of the central verbal arguments, namely subject, object and indirect object. In al1 languages, the verb provides certain information to the arguments in the ciause. This information identifies the type of role that an argument fùlfils. This role is called a thematic role. or theta role. In configurational languages like English or Italian, the verb discharges these theta roles to specific stmctural positions in the sentence hierarchy. These positions, called argument positions, can be occupied by oven noun phrases (NPs) or clauses (CPs). The subject and object of a verb are identified by their placement in these positions. PA languages lack argument positions outside of the verbal complex. Argument status is said to be assigned to non-overt pronominals @os) situated in argument positions inside the verbal complex. Full NPs (overt nominals) cannot receive argument status, and are found only in non-argumental positions. The central arguments found within the verbal complex are pronominals, or smallpros. Apro is a non-overt pronoun. It carries al1 of the nominal features of person, gender and number, but it is phonologically null. These non-overt pronouns are found in Pro-drop languages like Italian, where the subject position of a finite verb may be null. According to the Extended Projection
PNiciple (EPP), dl sentences must have subjects. This is considered to be a universal property of langwge. When a language can consistentiy have ml1 subjects, as in Itaiian or Spanish, a nul1 pro is postulated to be occupying the subject position. This satisfies the EPP and maintains that these languages have a subject position in the sentence hierarchy. In Italian and in Cree, these pros are capable of receiving the thematic assignments fiom the verb, thus fulfilling the Theta Criterion. The Theta Cnterion states that each argument of a verb must receive one, and only one, theta-role, and each theta-role of the verb must be discharged to one, and only one, argument. In other words, there cm be no arguments wit hout t heta-roles, nor any theta-des without argument S. This ensures t hat the precise argument requirements of the verb are met. We can compare English, ltaiian and Cree to illustrate how arguments and thetaroles align and contrast in terms of their argument structure. We can look at the overthon-overt distinction, as well as their structural position within the clause. b. Italian: Ha parlato. [CP [ 3-P DTO 1 [ w ha wlato 11 has -3 sg spoken 'He has spoken. ' In the English sentence, the subject pronoun is overt and occupies a specific structural position in the sentence. The same is true for the Italian sentence where the subject is a nonsvert pronoun. In both of these languages, theta-roles are assigned to a specific argument position mttside the verbal cornplex.
Page 1 and 2: Adverbial and Argument-Doubling Cla
Page 3 and 4: THE IJNnmuTTYOF MANITOBA FACULTY OF
Page 5: Acknowledgemenfs This thesis would
Page 8 and 9: Notations Abbreviations and Soeciai
Page 10 and 11: Adverbial and Argument-Doubling Cla
Page 12 and 13: This treatment of subordinate claus
Page 16 and 17: (3) a. Italian: Ha parlato. [CP[3*e
Page 18 and 19: two NPs) can be expressed with ody
Page 20 and 21: In Cree, however, there is evidence
Page 22 and 23: imponantly for our purposes, he rec
Page 24 and 25: pronominal arguments whenever NPs w
Page 26 and 27: clauses are in non-argument positio
Page 28 and 29: to the MVC. The CO-indexing relatio
Page 30 and 31: would not be any such role for a CP
Page 32 and 33: However, an examination of the subo
Page 34 and 35: Hale concluded that the difference
Page 36 and 37: pronominal clitics were never bound
Page 38 and 39: Jelinek's analysis did not provide
Page 40 and 41: theory dong the way. For some prono
Page 42 and 43: In English, the subject cc-comrnand
Page 44 and 45: presented above, NPs are situated i
Page 46 and 47: (24) a. Independent: niwâpamâw c
Page 48 and 49: Le-, more prominent in the discours
Page 50 and 51: see.TA-(3-31) buffalo, f ' 'He saw
Page 52 and 53: - Source b. . ., kâ-wâpamât awa
Page 54 and 55: . pêmohtêyâhk cj. walk-along. AI
Page 56 and 57: syntactic relationship to the matri
Page 58 and 59: complement-like interpretation. The
Page 60 and 61: that A-doubling clauses also occupy
Page 62 and 63: as dernonstrated in (44). The NP an
Page 64 and 65:
3.3.3.1.2 Declarative Argument-Dou
Page 66 and 67:
to-object does not appear to be fre
Page 68 and 69:
This shows that these wh-clauses ar
Page 70 and 71:
examinhg how they behave with diffe
Page 72 and 73:
semantic relation, namely constnial
Page 74 and 75:
In example (62) below, we see extra
Page 76 and 77:
If an NP is in an adverbial clause,
Page 78 and 79:
-linking relationship between A-dou
Page 80 and 81:
that its value is not inherent in t
Page 82 and 83:
the verbal morphology. In the examp
Page 84 and 85:
younger sister, is proximate. This
Page 86 and 87:
4.3 Proximatt Sbifts Given more tha
Page 88 and 89:
(76) kîwêw mistanask; kostêw wak
Page 90 and 91:
(77) êkosi êkwah sipwêhtêw. so
Page 92 and 93:
Some examples of complex sentences
Page 94 and 95:
cân kiskènimêw tânitê mêrîwa
Page 96 and 97:
Chapter 5 An Analysis of Adverbial
Page 98 and 99:
pronominals within the verbal cornp
Page 100 and 101:
discourse prominence of each partic
Page 102 and 103:
In Example (86) below, even though
Page 104 and 105:
argument in the matrk verbal comple
Page 106 and 107:
Example (90) demonstrates that a Wh
Page 108 and 109:
nominal matenal at al. The NP may c
Page 110 and 111:
(95) prq-nikiskênimâw-proJ Lw aw
Page 112 and 113:
eading even ifit does not contain a
Page 114 and 115:
5.4.4 Chains and Domains The CO-ind
Page 116 and 117:
see. TI-(3-i11an) cj-horse. fmt. AM
Page 118 and 119:
doubling clauses, and therefore, fo
Page 120 and 121:
(107) ( kêtahtawê pr~~kiskêyhtam
Page 122 and 123:
have the same obviation status. An
Page 124 and 125:
Lastly, we can consider an adverbia
Page 126 and 127:
Chapter 6 Conclusion and Further Co
Page 128 and 129:
above, this analysis accounts for t
Page 130 and 131:
includes the matrix clause. Without
Page 132 and 133:
argument r-linked to the containing
Page 134 and 135:
have subordinate clauses which refl
Page 136 and 137:
Ellis, C. Douglas. 1983. Spken Cree
Page 138:
Tomlin, Russ, and Richard Rhodes. 1
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Adverbial and Argument-Doubling Clauses in Cree - MSpace

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