26.12.2013 Views

Adverbial and Argument-Doubling Clauses in Cree - MSpace

Adverbial and Argument-Doubling Clauses in Cree - MSpace

Adverbial and Argument-Doubling Clauses in Cree - MSpace

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

Create successful ePaper yourself

Turn your PDF publications into a flip-book with our unique Google optimized e-Paper software.

as dernonstrated <strong>in</strong> (44). The NP <strong>and</strong> clause cannot both receive their A-doubl<strong>in</strong>g<br />

<strong>in</strong>terpretations. If(44) were acceptable, we would have had to assume that the<br />

subord<strong>in</strong>ate clause is either licensed by some other means, or that clauses cm occur <strong>in</strong> an<br />

argument position, as proposed by Baker (1996) <strong>and</strong> Bla<strong>in</strong> (1997)?<br />

The fact that (44) is<br />

unacceptable is support for an analysis that A-doubl<strong>in</strong>g clauses are <strong>in</strong> non-argumental<br />

positions.<br />

Another exmple follows <strong>in</strong> (49, but this time sorneth<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>terest<strong>in</strong>g happens to<br />

the A-doubl<strong>in</strong>g clause when the A-doubl<strong>in</strong>g NP <strong>and</strong> clause both occur with a s<strong>in</strong>gle<br />

transitive verb.<br />

(45) a. nipêhtên âcimow<strong>in</strong>.<br />

hear.TE(1 -<strong>in</strong>an) story.NI<br />

' 1 heard the report. '<br />

Bq' non-apparent. I refer to the matter of ditransiti~e verbs, where only the agent <strong>and</strong> beneficiary are<br />

visibly identified by agreement morphology (se also footnoie 12). An argument for the theme is not<br />

reflccted <strong>in</strong> the verbal <strong>in</strong>flection. but can be assumed to be present, s<strong>in</strong>ce NPs which refera to theme can<br />

occur <strong>in</strong> the sentence. For example.<br />

miyêw kisêy<strong>in</strong>iwa misatimwa.<br />

prorgive-TA-(3-3 ')-pro, old man,-3' ho--3'<br />

'He (prox) gave 3 hors (oh) to the old man (oh).'<br />

Here, the agreement morphology identifies only the agent <strong>and</strong> the beneficiary. The thematic<br />

<strong>in</strong>direct object pro is l<strong>in</strong>ked to the NP ki.rëev<strong>in</strong>iwu 'old man*. There is no theme argument correspond<strong>in</strong>g<br />

to nti~<strong>in</strong>nrw 'horse' <strong>in</strong> the verbal <strong>in</strong>flection. Howvever, we must assume chat the theme argument is<br />

<strong>in</strong>herent <strong>in</strong> the verb stem, for two reasons. Firstly, the verb 'to give' is a ditransitive verb, hav<strong>in</strong>g three<br />

theta roles to assign; agent, theme <strong>and</strong> beneficiary. Faîlure to do so would contnvene the Theta Criterion.<br />

mus. even though the verbal morphology on& exhibits two arguments, three are implied. Secondly. an<br />

NP (here nrisat<strong>in</strong>nr*~ 'horse') which is understood to be rcferr<strong>in</strong>g to the theme can occw <strong>in</strong> the sentence,<br />

without any postposition or preverb to license it. Recall ah, ihat postpositions <strong>and</strong> pceverbs only license<br />

oblique NPs, not NPs that cm be l<strong>in</strong>ked CO argument roles of subject, object <strong>and</strong> (thematic) <strong>in</strong>direct object.<br />

S<strong>in</strong>ce thîs example is a grammatical sentence, we must assume ihat the NP is properly licensed, <strong>and</strong> this<br />

is accomplished through l<strong>in</strong>kage to an morphologically unidentified argument.<br />

Recall that some l<strong>in</strong>guists work<strong>in</strong>g with<strong>in</strong> the PAH cont<strong>in</strong>ue to place 'complement' clauses <strong>in</strong> argument<br />

position. cf. Dahistrom (1986). Baker (19%), Bla<strong>in</strong> (1997).

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!