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Adverbial and Argument-Doubling Clauses in Cree - MSpace

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Chaptcr 4<br />

Obviation<br />

4.1 Introduction<br />

We tum now to an exam<strong>in</strong>ation of another difference between what 1 propose are<br />

argument-doubl<strong>in</strong>g <strong>and</strong> adverbial clauses <strong>in</strong> <strong>Cree</strong>. The assignment of obviation statu, <strong>and</strong><br />

especially its re-assignment presents us with clear evidence <strong>in</strong> support of a dist<strong>in</strong>ction<br />

between these clauses. In panicular, 1 will show that the re-assignment of the proximate<br />

role is restricted between some subord<strong>in</strong>ate clauses <strong>and</strong> the matrix clause. Proximate<br />

shifts cannot occur between a matnx clause <strong>and</strong> an argument-doubl<strong>in</strong>g clause. In contrast,<br />

if the subord<strong>in</strong>ate clause is an adverbial clause, this restriction is lifted, <strong>and</strong> re-assignment<br />

is left to the discretion of the speaker.<br />

The obviation status of a participant is recognized as a feature of that argument.<br />

However, unlike phi-features. obviation is not lexically encoded. Phi-features are features<br />

of person, number, gender <strong>and</strong> case." They are <strong>in</strong>tr<strong>in</strong>sically identified by the mean<strong>in</strong>g of a<br />

word. In Aigonquian languages, obviation is encoded <strong>in</strong> the morpho-syntax. Its value is<br />

identified <strong>in</strong> the grammar, not <strong>in</strong> the lexicon. For example, if we consider the referent<br />

w~ikq6s 'bear' , it will always be third penon, animate <strong>and</strong> s<strong>in</strong>gular. Those feature values<br />

are <strong>in</strong>herent <strong>in</strong> this nom<strong>in</strong>d. The Iexical content of the rest of the sentence does not have<br />

any efect on these features. The significance of obviation as opposed to phi-features is<br />

3 1<br />

This thesis does not discuss Case <strong>in</strong> <strong>Cree</strong>. For a discussion of Case. see Decha<strong>in</strong>e <strong>and</strong> Re<strong>in</strong>holtz (1998).

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