Adverbial and Argument-Doubling Clauses in Cree - MSpace

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4.3 Proximatt Sbifts Given more than one third person, a narrator must choose which participant will be marked as the proximate and which as the obviative. The proximate is typically used for the more topical, central character, while the obviative indicates a character which is more peripheral at that point in the text. The assignment of proximate and obviative status to discourse participants is generally not static. While it is theoretically conceivable that proximate and obviative status could remain constant throughout a text, this is not usually the case. The narrator may re-assign these features to other participants, either newly introduced or already present. Thus, previously obviative characters may become proxirnate. and vice versa. This re-assignment is called a proximate shift (cf Goddard (1984, 1990) on Fox, and Dahlstrom (1986) on Cree). A proximate shift can be interpreted as a signal of a new episode in the narrative, a change in the topic, a new point of view, or perhaps a less-defined context such as a narrative peak or a degree of heightened tension (cf Russell 1991). The re-assignment of obviation status is fkequently found where a high degree of activity is occumng in the story.
When a proximate shifi occun, it is most comonly found between two sentence^.^' A SM is o b accompanied by a Wl A-doubling NP, f'requently with a demonstrative marker. However, a full NP is not necessary, and sometimes it is only the verbal inflection which indicates that the obviation status of a participant has been changed. Example (75) illustrates a proximate shifi. In the first clause, the A-doubling NP wQkuy8.s 'bear' is proximate, as can be seen by examining the uninflected overt NP in the sentence, as well as the verbal morphology on the verb ayâw 'he(prox) is near', indicating that the subject pro is singular and proxirnate. The NP takwâhnciwa 'the bull(s)(obv)' has a suffix -a indicating it is obviative. In the second sentence however, the proximate reference is assigned to one bull, which occurs as an unmarked A-doubling NP. The new proximate status of this referent is also reflected on the verb pasikôw 'he(prox) rises', where the suffix indicates a singular proximate actor. The double bar ( II ) indicates a proximate shift. (75) âsay cîkih ayâw wâkaybs ôhih takwâhnâwa. already near be. AL3 bear-3 t hese bull-3' 'By this time the bear(prox) had got close to the bu11 buffalos(obv).' II kîtahtawê pasikôw awah takwâhnaw pêyak, suddenl y arose. AL3 this bull-3 one ' Suddenly one bull(prox) arose, ' (P: 150-01) Prosimate shh can also ocm insi& of a comp1ex senten. clause. This will be discussed in the next section. between a matrix verô and a nibordhate
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Adverbial and Argument-Doubling Cla
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THE IJNnmuTTYOF MANITOBA FACULTY OF
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Acknowledgemenfs This thesis would
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Notations Abbreviations and Soeciai
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Adverbial and Argument-Doubling Cla
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This treatment of subordinate claus
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(1 ) Proto-Algonquian */nila/ '1' P
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(3) a. Italian: Ha parlato. [CP[3*e
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two NPs) can be expressed with ody
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In Cree, however, there is evidence
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imponantly for our purposes, he rec
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pronominal arguments whenever NPs w
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clauses are in non-argument positio
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to the MVC. The CO-indexing relatio
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would not be any such role for a CP
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However, an examination of the subo
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Hale concluded that the difference
Page 36 and 37: pronominal clitics were never bound
Page 38 and 39: Jelinek's analysis did not provide
Page 40 and 41: theory dong the way. For some prono
Page 42 and 43: In English, the subject cc-comrnand
Page 44 and 45: presented above, NPs are situated i
Page 46 and 47: (24) a. Independent: niwâpamâw c
Page 48 and 49: Le-, more prominent in the discours
Page 50 and 51: see.TA-(3-31) buffalo, f ' 'He saw
Page 52 and 53: - Source b. . ., kâ-wâpamât awa
Page 54 and 55: . pêmohtêyâhk cj. walk-along. AI
Page 56 and 57: syntactic relationship to the matri
Page 58 and 59: complement-like interpretation. The
Page 60 and 61: that A-doubling clauses also occupy
Page 62 and 63: as dernonstrated in (44). The NP an
Page 64 and 65: 3.3.3.1.2 Declarative Argument-Dou
Page 66 and 67: to-object does not appear to be fre
Page 68 and 69: This shows that these wh-clauses ar
Page 70 and 71: examinhg how they behave with diffe
Page 72 and 73: semantic relation, namely constnial
Page 74 and 75: In example (62) below, we see extra
Page 76 and 77: If an NP is in an adverbial clause,
Page 78 and 79: -linking relationship between A-dou
Page 80 and 81: that its value is not inherent in t
Page 82 and 83: the verbal morphology. In the examp
Page 84 and 85: younger sister, is proximate. This
Page 88 and 89: (76) kîwêw mistanask; kostêw wak
Page 90 and 91: (77) êkosi êkwah sipwêhtêw. so
Page 92 and 93: Some examples of complex sentences
Page 94 and 95: cân kiskènimêw tânitê mêrîwa
Page 96 and 97: Chapter 5 An Analysis of Adverbial
Page 98 and 99: pronominals within the verbal cornp
Page 100 and 101: discourse prominence of each partic
Page 102 and 103: In Example (86) below, even though
Page 104 and 105: argument in the matrk verbal comple
Page 106 and 107: Example (90) demonstrates that a Wh
Page 108 and 109: nominal matenal at al. The NP may c
Page 110 and 111: (95) prq-nikiskênimâw-proJ Lw aw
Page 112 and 113: eading even ifit does not contain a
Page 114 and 115: 5.4.4 Chains and Domains The CO-ind
Page 116 and 117: see. TI-(3-i11an) cj-horse. fmt. AM
Page 118 and 119: doubling clauses, and therefore, fo
Page 120 and 121: (107) ( kêtahtawê pr~~kiskêyhtam
Page 122 and 123: have the same obviation status. An
Page 124 and 125: Lastly, we can consider an adverbia
Page 126 and 127: Chapter 6 Conclusion and Further Co
Page 128 and 129: above, this analysis accounts for t
Page 130 and 131: includes the matrix clause. Without
Page 132 and 133: argument r-linked to the containing
Page 134 and 135: have subordinate clauses which refl
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Ellis, C. Douglas. 1983. Spken Cree
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Tomlin, Russ, and Richard Rhodes. 1
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