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Bangladesh - Belgium

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Citizens’ Voice and Accountability Evaluation – <strong>Bangladesh</strong> Country Case Study<br />

citizen oversight mechanisms, notable the Auditor General’s Office and by extension<br />

the (presently impotent) Parliamentary Committee structure. DFID’s project<br />

implementation unit talk positively of the potential in the long term to move towards a<br />

system of accountability driven by decent information on budget implementation and<br />

impacts - with an oversight role for the Auditor General and with civil society<br />

oversight at different levels - but cautions that progress is necessarily slow and<br />

incremental. One observer commented: “we are talking here about evolution rather<br />

than revolution”. One donor representative noted:<br />

‘We would have liked to have done much more with government<br />

accountability to citizens in FRMP and its predecessors but there was just so<br />

many other, bigger, systemic needs to tackle first. Now (after 13 years) we<br />

think we might be able to make some progress here’.<br />

Donors have also “bundled up” support to enhanced accountability through<br />

integrated projects supporting civil service reform (FMRP) or large sector<br />

development programmes (e.g. LGED’s road and market improvement RDPs).<br />

These elements have tended to get obscured, however, by the pressing and huge<br />

demands of developing technical and financial systems. In the early projects of<br />

LGED, community participation and local administration accountability were elements<br />

of the programme but there was little support for these and little attention paid to<br />

them (they were often supported by specially contracted in staff with little clout in<br />

terms of changing attitudes and practice within the organisation). Donor insistence<br />

on and funding for these elements over many cycles of projects has gradually<br />

brought these to centre stage.<br />

4.4 Changes in policy, practice, behaviour and power<br />

relations<br />

CVA interventions can produce changes at different levels and these can range from<br />

direct outputs of a specific intervention which produce results at the very local level to<br />

changes of policy and regulatory frameworks at the national level.<br />

Depending on the level of the intervention, the Evaluation Framework for this study<br />

identifies four types of changes for CVA interventions:<br />

• Changes in policy: including the legal and regulatory framework (e.g. the<br />

introduction or approval of new laws) and reform implementation (e.g. the<br />

implementation of decentralisation policies)<br />

• Changes in practice: these would include changes in the concrete provision of<br />

information, improved transparency, equal access to services, inclusion and<br />

consultation with marginalised groups, new/strengthened mechanisms to<br />

exercise accountability, etc.<br />

• Changes in behaviour: at the individual or collective level, signalling greater<br />

awareness of CVA; more adequate and timely response of the authorities to<br />

citizens demands; more responsible actions at the community level to ensure<br />

greater participation of all citizens, etc.<br />

• Changes in power relations: these refer to the ‘rules of the game’ and the extent<br />

to which CVA interventions manage to redress unequal power relations between<br />

citizens and the state, among different groups of citizens, between state actors at<br />

the local and national level, between formal and informal institutions, progressive<br />

and traditional societal groups, etc.<br />

The CVA evaluation considered the following questions:<br />

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