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Bangladesh - Belgium

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Citizens’ Voice and Accountability Evaluation – <strong>Bangladesh</strong> Country Case Study<br />

Annex C. Context analysis<br />

The literature review and intervention analysis undertaken by ODI suggests that the context is<br />

crucial for understanding and hence assessing CVA (ODI Evaluation Framework, August 2007).<br />

The Methodological Guidance thus requires ‘a thorough analysis of the socio-political and<br />

economic context ‘as an important benchmark for assessing the relevance of CV and A<br />

interventions in the specific context where they take place’ Thus the main purpose of the context<br />

analysis is to consider the linkages (or lack of them) between CVA interventions and the political<br />

and socio-economic context where they take place’.<br />

C.1. Political and institutional framework<br />

Legal framework<br />

<strong>Bangladesh</strong>’s Constitution (1972) guarantees protection of basic human rights, including freedom<br />

of assembly and expression. <strong>Bangladesh</strong> has ratified all the major International treaties related to<br />

human rights.<br />

The <strong>Bangladesh</strong>i legal system is regarded as inefficient and lacks accountability. It has been<br />

accused of politicisation and corruption. The Constitution calls for the independence of the<br />

Judiciary but the lower courts (until end of 2007) have operated under the control of the Executive<br />

who decide on appointments, transfers, and promotion of lower court judges and magistrates. The<br />

High Court and Supreme Court have also been tarnished by partisan politics as appointments<br />

have been traditionally made by the President along party lines. Several attempts to separate the<br />

Judiciary by successive governments made little progress due to lack of political will, and despite a<br />

1999 Supreme Court ruling. Progress on this has finally been made under the current Caretaker<br />

Government<br />

Article 39 (2) of the Constitution confirms “a) the right of every citizen to freedom of speech and<br />

expression and b) freedom of the press are guaranteed.” However, there remain serious issues<br />

with regard to rights to information. The Official Secrets Act (1923), the Evidence Act (1872), Penal<br />

Code (1860), Government Servants (Conduct) Act (1979) the Code of Criminal Procedure (1960),<br />

the Rules of Business (1996) and the Oath of Secrecy are all laws which restrict people's rights of<br />

access to information. Article 19 of the Government Servants (Conduct) Act says: “A government<br />

servant shall not, unless generally or specially empowered by the government in this behalf,<br />

disclose directly or indirectly to government servants belonging to other Ministries, Divisions or<br />

Departments, or to non-official persons or to the Press, the contents of any official document or<br />

communicate any information which has come into his possession in the course of his official<br />

duties, or has been prepared or collected by him in the course of those duties, whether from official<br />

sources or otherwise.” This Oath has effectively blocked any forms of disclosure. In 2002, the<br />

Law Commission drafted a Rights to Information Act but this has never been processed for<br />

enactment. Currently, a national movement comprising several civil society organisations and<br />

networks is actively demanding for the right to information.<br />

The legal framework for participation is outlined in the Constitution as essentially the right to vote in<br />

five yearly national and local elections. The 1991, 1996 and 2001 National elections were regarded<br />

by international observers as ‘free and fair’ and are presided over by the Election Commission.<br />

Other provisions for public consultation and inclusion in decision making bodies are largely<br />

recommendations rather than legally binding. At the lowest level of local government (Union<br />

Parishad (UP)), there are such provisions (see section on local government below) but as UPs are<br />

dependent on central government and local elite for financial support there is little incentive to<br />

encourage citizen participation.<br />

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