Bangladesh - Belgium

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Citizens’ Voice and Accountability Evaluation – Bangladesh Country Case Study Local Government capacity Although various efforts at various times have been made to strengthen local government bodies, mostly these have been related to structure and relationship. More substantive issues related to devolution of power and functions have not been addressed. UPs have suffered from being severely under-resourced, poorly informed and qualified and subject to political interference and corruption. The ordinances and guidelines under which they operate are complicated and many UP members are never oriented to these. They do not have a tradition of participation and generally have a poor record of service orientation. Furthermore the monitoring and Evaluation wing of the Local Government Department of the Ministry of Local Government and Rural Development responsible for monitoring the functions of local bodies is weak and ineffective (Khan and Hussain, 2001) The five year term of office for all elected representatives means that there is potentially a constant turnover, creating a challenge for providing training and support. The National Institute of Local Government has the mandate to provide training for local government personnel but is grossly under-resourced. Few UP members receive training. However, over the last decade increasing attention has been paid to them, particularly with regards to their role in rural infrastructure development. Since 1997, LGED has intensified support to them to prioritise schemes for development, plan and supervise implementation, improve their revenue mobilisation and engage in public consultations. CARE Bangladesh has worked with almost all UPs and built their capacity to plan and manage rural road maintenance. Many NGOs have been providing training and support, particularly to women elected members. The World Bank funded Local Government Support Programme, which commenced in 2006, will provide additional block grants, training and support to all UPs so that they can realise their potential as key local government institutions. Civil service About 1 million civil servants are employed in 37 ministries, 11 divisions, 254 departments and 173 statutory bodies (ADB 2005). The civil service is considered to be highly politicised. Research indicates that partisanship often begins at recruitment by the supposedly neutral Public Service Commission (BRAC, 2006). BRAC (2006) notes that there is little service culture within the civil service due to i. a preoccupation with on administrative procedure, ii. status conferred by promotion to central administration rather than field , iii. ‘embarrassment envisioned from taking orders from ‘uneducated and less qualified (UP) chairmen’’ . TIB reports confirm that citizens experience enormous obstacles in accessing public services. NGOs Bangladesh has a large, diverse and vibrant NGO sector which enjoys relative independence from Government interference (despite a lengthy bureaucratic process of registration and funding approval). In fact, Government has sought to build partnerships with NGOs, particularly in the education and health sectors to deliver services. NGOs have an exceptionally strong presence [extending to 78% of all villages (ref: Hunger Project website)] which has evolved from a relief orientation to service provision to promotion of rights and empowerment since Independence in 1971. NGOs were mostly involved in relief and then service provision activities in the decade following the War of Independence. Just as some were beginning to evolve as social mobilisers and interlocutors on behalf of the poor to demand rights, micro-credit arrived and was taken up by practically all NGOs partly as a means to ensure their financial sustainability in the face of donor reduction of support. Many regard the 80s and early 90s as “the lost decade” of NGO activity due to their pre-occupation with micro-credit and the change in the relationship to villagers. This was also the period of the military government of Ershad and NGOs were under constant surveillance for any political activity. There was very little 72
Citizens’ Voice and Accountability Evaluation – Bangladesh Country Case Study interest or scope to promote political conscientisation at this time. Most NGOs continue to be engaged in the provision of micro-finance but increasing numbers are adopting a rights based approach to development and encouraging their members to demand their rights and entitlements. The approaches vary between empowering members and facilitating interface with duty bearers to acting as direct interlocutors. NGO members and members of social movements have thus begun to access the political infrastructure through exercise of franchise, contesting local elections, participation in local bodies such as school management committees, (Health) Community Groups 50 , water users groups and shalishes (local courts), as well as participating in (generally) project-brokered consultations. There have been concerns about the politicisation of NGOs and there were major rifts among NGOs in the recent past which led to the fracture and reconfiguring of major umbrella organisations. The last ten years has also seen a mushrooming of advocacy and citizen groups in Bangladesh, but there is serious concern that they tend to be urban-centric and that secular organisations have been favoured, thus crowding out indigenous forms of associational life. Media Bangladesh media has, in recent years, arguably enjoyed relative freedom from direct government control and censorship. The Constitution guarantees freedom of the press except in matters of state security, defamation and incitement (Article 39). These exceptions limit the reporting of government failures and scrutiny of key leaders. The Government has absolute power in issuing licences. A major part of newspapers’ regular revenue comes from Government advertising (tenders etc) and this may constrain editors’ independence to some degree. However, the press is probably more influenced by its ownership. Many daily newspapers and TV stations are owned by business and political leaders with an interest in promoting their own agendas. Legal action by government officials against journalists occurs regularly both at national and local levels. Threats of violence against journalists are also increasing. Reporters sans Frontières, has named Bangladesh as the country with the largest number of journalists physically attacked or threatened with death. Freedom House rates Bangladesh’s ‘media independence and freedom of expression at a relatively moderate to low 4.25. One of the case studies selected in the study (Massline Media Centre) was originally established to build the capacity of grassroots journalists and provide legal support. The risks associated with independent journalism can make support by international donors problematic 51 . Security forces All security forces (police, Bangladesh Rifles and the regular army) operate under the civilian government. Despite ratification of International treaties on human rights, Bangladesh continues to have a poor record on human rights abuses. The police are institutionally weak and corrupt. They have been used by successive ruling parties to arrest opposition supporters during rallies and hartals. Often trial was delayed inordinately. In January 2005 a grenade attack on an AL rally killed five including a former Finance Minister. The Government did not meet demands for a public enquiry 50 Community Groups were established under the Health SWAP (Health and Population Support Programme HPSP) starting in1998, comprising local government representatives, local service providers and local residents. 51 A similar problem exists in supporting other traditionally confrontational ‘voices’, social movements and Trade Unions 73
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IV Relevant Primary and Secondary d
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II: Overall Assessment of Intervent
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Impact According to the 2007 Impact
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Model of change Assumptions Activit
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D.8. Bangladesh Sanjukta Sramic Fed
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Effectiveness BSSF provides 22 trai
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. Model of change Assumptions Activ
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D.9. Rupantar Grassroots Women’s
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Impact Phase 1 resulted in a cadre
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Figure 1. Rupantar CVA Model of Cha
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Table 2. Most significant change an
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D.10. Samata - Empowerment Through
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Lessons Learned Important lessons l
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Table 2. Most significant change an
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D.11. GTZ brokered dialogue within
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Sustainability GTZ feels that the f
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Project (Donor) Partners/ PIUs Inte
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Project (Donor) Partners/ PIUs Inte
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Annex F. Summary of Stakeholder Deb
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