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The Jewish Historian Flavius Josephus: A Biographical Investigation

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on the contrary, it follows as a consequence of <strong>Josephus</strong>’ stated outlook that he also wishes to<br />

associate with the Romans.<br />

As logical as the Tiberians were in their aversion to <strong>Josephus</strong>’ policy, so [illogical] were<br />

they [when it came] to the question, with whose help did they intend to free themselves from<br />

the pressure that weighed upon them due to the cleverness of <strong>Josephus</strong>’ policy. After John had<br />

failed, and after Agrippa had not appeared early enough, the Tiberians made an attempt with<br />

the delegation sent from Jerusalem, which was to dismiss <strong>Josephus</strong>. Once again [we have] the<br />

same underlying perception as on the previous occasions: the Tiberians attempt ἀποστῆναί<br />

μου (273), by joining the delegates: τὴν πόλιν ... ἐκείνοις προστεθειμένην (314). <strong>Josephus</strong>, on<br />

the other hand, again manages to occupy the town by force and he investigates, οἵτινες εἶεν<br />

αἴτιοι τῆς ἀποστάσεως (331). <strong>The</strong> Tiberians promise to atone for their errors of the past by<br />

loyalty to <strong>Josephus</strong> in the future: τῇ μετὰ ταῦτα πρὸς ἐμὲ πίστει (333). This here concerns<br />

only his [own] person, not, for example, a common cause of the Jews.<br />

Shortly thereafter this view was to undergo a fundamental change. When the Tiberians<br />

repeat their attempt to join Agrippa (381 - 389), <strong>Josephus</strong> now no longer feels as the one<br />

deceived: the Galileans denounce the town of Tiberias as a “traitor and friend to the King” that<br />

deserves destruction (384). <strong>Josephus</strong>, however, aims at a compromise even though he knows<br />

that the Tiberians “have become traitors to our freedom” (386); still, he also knows that<br />

Tiberias is not the only hotbed of plans to betray the people; these are in fact shared by the<br />

“principal and [119] best known men in Galilee”. Whoever speaks with such feelings about the<br />

δοκιμώτατοι ἐν Γαλιλαίᾳ (386), no longer differs in his policy from the zealots who “plunder<br />

the houses of the powerful men in the land and kill [the men] themselves” (War 2.265); for the<br />

law-abiding and patriotic zealots could rightly invoke Deuteronomy 13:13 ff. when they set fire<br />

to the houses of those who recognized and supported the godless foreign rule, and hauled<br />

these [“traitors”] themselves off to death. Granted, <strong>Josephus</strong> was able to prevent the fulfilment<br />

of such intentions by a ruse and in this way saved Tiberias once again. But we do see that the<br />

trend of the zealots has now prevailed in Galilee, and that <strong>Josephus</strong>, who increasingly based his<br />

power on them, must operate within their system of thought [Gedankengängen]. How long will<br />

it last until the zealots could no longer be contained, and demanded from their protégé<br />

<strong>Josephus</strong> the fulfilment of their plans? One grasps more and more clearly the evolution that<br />

<strong>Josephus</strong> had to follow since the moment when he deported his fellow envoys to Jerusalem and<br />

105

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